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OF THE — — , , 








VOL. n. 



Published by Bradford and Inskeep, No. 4, South Third-street \ 
Kimber and Conrad, No 93, Market-street ; and 
Edward Parker, \7^y Market-street. ^ 
G. Palmer, printer. 



.\ \ 







A. 16B8^-^introduces Gilbert Latey to the King"^ 
becomes very unpopular^— reputed causes of it-^ 
beautiful letter written to him by Mr. Popple on 
this account-^his answer to the same — is arrested 
(^King- William having tome to the throne) and 
brought before the Lords of Council-^and exam^ 
ined'-^and made to give bail for his appearance-^ 
affairs of Pennsylvania. 

^^ILLIAM Penn staid in England only for the 
purpose of seeing religious liberty established by a 
law of the land. Of course he was a frequent atten- 
dant at Whitehall. Going there one day in compa- 
ny with George Whitehead, they met Gilbert Latey, 
an experienced minister of the Society. They ask- 
ed him, if he would go with them and wait upon 
the King. " Gilbert paused for awhile, and as he 
thus stood silent, it opened in his heart what he 
VOL. II. ' B 


should say to the King; whereupon he told the 
Friends he was ready to go with them ; and accord- 
ingly they went, and had admittance into the King's 
presence, there being only one other person present 
besides the King and his Friends. George White- 
head and William Penn having spoken what they 
had to say, the King was pleased to ask Gilbert, 
whether he had not something to say ; upon which 
he in a great deal of humility spake in the manner 
following: ^ The mercy,- favour, and kindness, 
which the King hath extended to us as a people in 
the time of our exercise and sore distress, we hum- 
bly acknowledge ; and I truly desire that God may 
show him mercy and favour in the time of his 
trouble and sore distress.'* To which the King re- 
plied, I thank you; and so at that time they parted. 
But what was then spoken by Gilbert lived with the 
King; who, some time after, when he was in Ire- 
land, desired a Friend to remember him to Gilbert. 
Tell him, said the King, the w^ords he spake to me 
I shall never forget, adding that one part of them 
had come true [the Revolution and sore distress 
thereby)^ and that he prayed to God that the other 
might come to pass. Upon this Gilbert caused it 
to be signified to him, that the second part of what 
he had said was also in a great measure come to pass, 
for that the Lord had given him his life" {alluding 
to the battle of the Boyne^. I mention this as a 
curious anecdote of the constitution of the King's 
mind, he having viewed the words spoken by Gil- 
bert Latey in a prophetic light. 


In the month of April the King renewed his De- 
claration for liberty of conscience, with this addi- 
tion, that he would adhere firmly to it, and that he 
would put none into public employments but such 
as would concur with him in maintaining it. He 
also promised that he would hold a Parliament in 
the November following. This was what William 
Penn desired. He wished the King to continue 
firm to his purpose ; but he knew that neither tests 
nor penalties could be legally removed without the 
consent of Parliament. He rejoiced therefore that 
the Parliament were to be consulted on the measure; 
for he indulged a hope, that the substance of the 
Royal Declaration would be confirmed by both 
Houses, and thus pass into a law of the land. 

At the time when this Declaration was renewed, 
an Order of Council came out, that it should be read 
in the churches within the ecclesiastical jurisdiction 
of the kingdom. Bancroft Archbishop of Canter- 
bury, and six other Bishops, namely, St. Asaph, 
Ely, Bath and Wells, Peterborough, Chichester, and 
Bristol, presented a petition to the King in behalf 
of themselves and several other Bishops, and a 
great body of the Clergy ; in which they laid before 
him the reasons why they had opposed the reading 
of the Declaration in the churches, as the Order in 
Council had prescribed. They intended, they said, 
no disrespect to His Majesty, nor did they breathe 
any spirit of hostility towards the Dissenters ; but 
the Declaration being founded on a dispensing 
power, which had been declared illegal no less than 


three times in eight years, they could not become 
parties to it by giving it the extraordinary publicity 
required. The King having heard the petition, of 
which this was the substance, took time to deliberate 
upon it ; after which the seven Bishops were sent to 
the Tower. In process of time they were brought 
to trial, and they were acquitted among the plaudits 
of the nation. 

After this event William Penn became more un- 
popular than ever. It had transpired, probably by 
means of Burnet, that he had been employed by the 
King on the embassy to the Hague to obtain the 
Prince of Grangers consent, not only to a I'olera- 
tion, but to the removal of Tests. It had been sus- 
pected that he was the mover of the Royal Procla- 
mation in 1686, and of the Declaration in 1687. It 
had become known, though he had concealed his 
name, that he was the author of " Good Advice to 
the Church of England, and Roman Catholics and 
Protestant Dissenters." It was therefore now taken 
for granted, that he had a hand in the imprison- 
ment of the Bishops, though he had never any con- 
cern, on any occasion, in the recommendation of 
force. The consequence was, that he became very 
odious to the Church. The Dissenters too, whose 
very cause he had been pleading, turned against 
him. Considering his intimacy with James the 
Second, they judged him to be a creature of the 
same stamp, and to have the like projects and pur- 
suits. Now it happened that the King had made 
this year a more open acknowledgment of Popery 


than ever. He had permitted the Jesuits to erect a 
College in the Savoy in London, and suffered the 
Friars to go publicly in the dress of their monas- 
ticai orders ; which was a strange sight to Protest- 
ants. He had permitted also the Pope's Nuncio 
D'Ada to make his public entry into Windsor in 
great state. He was therefore most openly a 
Catholic. Hence they considered William Penn 
to be of the same religious persuasion. But they 
carried the matter still further; for, believing that 
the King> when he wished to establish a Toleration 
and to abolish Tests, had no other motive than that 
of protecting the Roman Catholic religion, and thus 
giving it an opportunity to flourish, they attached to 
William Penn the same motive in his furtherance 
and defence of the measure. From this time the 
names of Papist and Jesuit were revived with 
double fury. It was added, that he was disafl'ccteci 
to the free part of the Constitution, and a friend to 
arbitrary power. The clamour, indeed, was ^o 
great against him, being spread both by Dissenters, 
and the Church, that several, who had not the 
courage to go against the spirit of the times, avoid- 
ed his acquaintance. Others, who were of a firmer 
texture, and who valued him from what ihey knew 
of his worth and character, did not follow the 
stream ; but, either to exculpate themselves for not 
doing so, or to try if possible to recover his expiring 
reputation, required of him, as Dr. Tillotson had 
done before, a voucher from his own hand, that 
there was no ground for those epithets which the- 


public had fixed upon him. Among these was Mr. 
Popple^, who was the intimate friend both of him 
and of John Locke. His letter to this purpose was 
friendly, modest, and respectful, yet firm and manly. 
It discovered great good sense, and a liberal and 
highly cultivated mind. As a composition it was 
masterly, with respect to words, sentences, and 
arguments, as will be seen from the following copy 
of its contents. 

'' To the Honourable William Penn, Esq. Pro-* 
prietor and Governor of Pennsylvania. 
^' Honoured Sir, 
*-^ Though the friendship with which you are 
pleased to honour me doth afford me sufficient op- 
portunities of discoursing with you upon any sub- 
ject, yet I choose rather at this time to offer unto 
you in writing some reflections which have occurred 
to my thoughts in a matter of no common import- 
ance. The importance of it doth primarily and 
directly respect yourself, and your own private con- 
cernments ; but it also consequently and effectually 
regards the King, his Government, and even the 
peace and settlement of this whole Nation. I en- 
treat you therefore to bear with me, if I endeavour 
in this manner to give somewhat more weight unto 
my words than would be in a transient discourse, 
and leave them with you as a subject that requires 
your retired consideration. 

* This gentleman was Secretary to the Lords Commissioners 
for the Affairs of Trade and Plantations. 


'' You are not ignorant that the part you have 
been supposed to have had of late years In public 
affairs, though without either the title, or honour, 
or profit, of any public office, and that especially 
your avowed endeavours to introduce among us a 
general and inviolable liberty of conscience in 
matters of mere religion, have occasioned the mis- 
takes of some men, provoked the malice of others, 
and in the end have raised against you a multitude 
of enemies, who have unworthily defamed you with 
such imputations as I am sure you abhor. This I 
know you have been sufficiently informed of, though 
I doubt you have not made sufficient reflection upon 
it. The consciousness of your own innocence 
seems to me to have given you too great a contempt 
of such unjust and ill-grounded slanders; for, how- 
ever glorious it is and reasonable for a truly vir- 
tuous mind, whose inward peace is founded upon 
that rock of innocence, to despise the empty noise 
of popular reproach, yet even that sublimity of 
spirit may sometimes swell to a reprovable excess. 
To be steady and immoveable in the prosecution of 
wise and honest resolutions, by all honest and pru- 
dent means, is indeed a duty that admits of no ex- 
ception: but nevertheless it ought not to hinder 
that, at the same time, there be also a due care 
taken of preserving a fair reputation. ' A good 
name,' says the Wise Man, ' is better th;^m pre- 
cious ointment.' It is a perfume that recommends 
the person whom it accompanies, that procures him 
every where an easy acceptance, and that facilitates 


the success of all his enterprizes : and for that rea- 
son, though there were no other, I entreat you, ob- 
serve, that the care of a man's reputation is an 
essential part of that very same duty that engages 
him in the pursuit of any worthy design. 

" But I must not entertain you with a declama- 
tion upon this general theme. My business is to 
represent to you more particularly those very impu- 
tations which are cast upon yourself, together with 
some of their evident consequences ; that, if possi- 
ble, I may thereby move you to labour after a re- 
medy. The source of all arises from the ordinary 
access you have unto the King, the credit you are 
supposed to have with him, and the deep jealousy 
that some people have conceived of his intentions in 
reference to religion. Their jealousy is, that his aim 
has been to settle Popery in this nation, not only in 
a fair and secure liberty, but even in a predomi- 
nating superiority over all other professions : and 
from hence the inference follows, that whosoever 
has any part in the councils of this reign must needs 
be popishly affected ; but that to have so great a 
part in them as you are said to have had, can happen 
to none but an absolute Papist. That is the direct 
charge : but that is not enough ; your post is too 
considerable for a Papist of an ordinary form, and 
therefore you must be a Jesuit : nay, to confirm 
that suggestion, it must be accompanied with all the 
circumstances that may best give it an air of proba- 
bilitv ; as, that you have been bred at St. Omer's in 
the Jesuits' college ; that you have taken orders at 


Rome, and there obtained a dispensation to marry ; 
and that you have since then frequently officiated as 
a Priest in the celebration of the Mass at White- 
hall, St. James's, and other places. And this being 
admitted, nothing can be too black to be cast upon 
you. Whatsoever is thought amiss either in Church 
or State, though never so contrary to your advice, 
is boldly attributed to it ; and, if other proofs fail, 
the Scripture itself must be brought in to confirm, 
' That whosoever offends in one point (in a point 
especially so essential as that of our too much af- 
fected uniformity) is guilty of the breach of all our 
laws.' Thus the charge of Popery draws after it a 
tail like the et ccetera oath, and by endless iniinendos 
prejudicates you as guilty of whatsoever mctiice can 
invent, or folly believe. But that charge, therefore, 
being removed, the inferences that are drawn from 
it will vanish, and your reputation will easily return 
to its former brightness. 

" Now, that I might the more effectually per- 
suade you to apply some remedy to this disease, I 
beseech you. Sir, suffer me to lay before you some 
of its pernicious consequences. It is not a trifling 
matter for a person, raised as you are above the 
common level, to lie under the prejudice of so gene- 
ral a mistake in so important a matter. The gene- 
ral and long prevalency of any opinion gives it a 
strength, especially among the vulgar, that is not 
easily shaken. And as it happens that you have also 
enemies of a higher rank, who will be ready to im« 
prove such popular mistakes by all sorts of malici" 


ous artifices, it must be taken'for granted that those 
errors will be thereby still more confirmed, and the 
inconveniences that may arise from thence no less 
increased. This, Sir, I assure you, is a melancholy 
prospect to your friends ; for we know you have 
such enemies. The design of so universal a liberty 
of conscience, as your principles have led you to 
promote, has offended many of those whose interest 
it is to cross it. I need not tell you how many and 
how powerful they are ; nor can I tell you either 
how far, or by what ways L-.nd means, they may en- 
deavour to execute their revenge. But this, how- 
ever, I must needs tell you ; that, in your present 
circumstances, there is sufficient ground for so 
much jealousy at least as ought to excite you to use 
the precaution of some public vindication. This 
the tenderness of friendship prompts your friends 
to desire of you ; and this the just sense of your 
honour, which true religion does not extinguish, re- 
quires vou to execute. 

^' Pardon, I entreat you. Sir, the earnestness of 
these expressions ; nay, suflfer me, without offence, 
to expostulate with you yet a little further. I am 
fearful lest these personal considerations should not 
have their due weight with you, and therefore I 
cannot omit to reflect also upon some more general 
consequences of your particular reproach. I have 
said it already, that the King, his honour, his go- 
vernment, and even the peace and settlement of this 
whole nation, either are or have been concerned in 
this matter : your reputation, as you are s^d to have 


meddled in public affairs, has been of public con- 
cernment. The promoting a general liberty of con- 
science having been your particular province, the 
aspersion of Popery and Jesuitism, that has been 
cast upon you, has reflected upon His Majesty for 
having made use, in that affair, of so disguised a 
personage as you are supposed to have been. It has 
weakened the force of your endeavours, obstructed 
their effect, and contributed greatly to disappoint 
this poor nation of that inestimable happiness, and 
secure establishment, which I am persuaded you 
designed, and which all good and wise men agree 
that a just and inviolable liberty of conscience would 
infallibly produce. I heartily wish this considera- 
tion had been sooner laid to heart, and that some 
demonstrative evidence of your sincerity in the pro- 
fession you make had accompanied all your endea- 
vours for liberty. 

" But what do I say, or what do I wish for ? I 
confess that I am now struck with astonishment at 
that abundant evidence which I know you have con- 
stantly given of the opposition of your principles to 
those of the Romish church, and at the little regard 
there has been had to it. If an open profession of 
the directest opposition against Popery, that has 
every appeared in the world since Popery was first 
distinguished from common Christianity, would 
' serve the turn, this cannot be denied to all those of 
that Society with which you are joined in the duties 
of religious worship. If to have maintained the 
principles of that Society by frequent and fervent 


discourses, by many elaborate writings, by suffering 
ignominy, imprisonment, and other manifold disad*- 
vantages, in defence thereof, can be admitted as any 
proof of your sincere adherence thereunto ; this, it 
is evident to the world, you have done already. 
Nay, further ; if to have inquired, as far as was pos- 
sible for you, into the particular stories that have 
been framed against you, and to have sought all 
means of rectifying the mistakes upon which they 
were grounded, could in any measure avail to the 
setting a true character of you in men's judgments, 
this also I know you have done. For I have seen, 
under the hand of a Reverend Dean of our English 
church (Dr. Tillotson), a full acknowledgment of 
satisfaction received from you in a suspicion he had 
entertained upon one of those stories, and to which 
his report had procured too much credit. And 
though I know you are averse to the publishing of 
his letter without his express leave, and perhaps 
may not now think fit to ask it ; yet I am so tho- 
roughly assured of his sincerity and candour, that I 
cannot doubt but he has already vindicated you in 
that matter, and will (according to his promise) be 
still ready to do it upon all occasions. Nay, I have 
seen also your justification from another calumny of 
common fame, about your having kidnapped one, 
who had been formerly a monk, out of your Ameri- 
can province, to deliver him here into the hands of 
his enemies ; I say, I have seen your justification 
from that story under that person's own hand ; and 
his return to Pennsylvania, where he now resides, 


xnav be an irrefragable confutation of it to any that 
will take the pains to inquire thereinto. 

" Really it afflicts me very much to consider that 
all this does not suffice. If I had not that particular 
respect for you which I sincerely profess, yet I 
could not but be much affected, than any man, who 
had deserved!}' acquired so fair a reputation as you 
have formerly had, whose integrity and veracity 
had always been reputed spotless, and whose charity 
had been continually exercised in serving others, at 
the dear expense of his time, his strength, and his 
estate, w-ithout any other recompence than what re- 
sults from the consciousness of doing good : I say, 
I could not but be much affected, to see any such 
person fall innocently and undeservedly under such 
unjust reproaches as you have done. It is a hard 
case ; and I think no man that has any bowels of 
humanity can reflect upon it without great relent- 

" Since therefore it is so, and that something re- 
mains yet to be done — something more express, and 
especially more public, than has yet been done — for 
your vindication ; I beg of you, dear Sir, by all the 
tender efficacy that friendship, either mine or that of 
your friends and relations together, can have upon 
you ; by the due regard which humanity, and even 
Christianity, obliges you to have to your reputation ; 
by the duty you owe unto the King ; by your love 
to the land of your nativity; and by the cause of 
universal religion, and eternal truth ; let not the 
scandal of insincerity, that I have hinted at, lie any 



longer upon you ; but let the sense of all these obli- 
gations persuade you to gratify your friends and re- 
lations, and to serve your King, your country, and 
your religion, by such a public vindication of your 
honour, as your own prudence, upon these sugges- 
tions, will now show you to be most necessary and 
most expedient. I am, with unfeigned and most 
respectful affection. Honoured Sir, 

" Your most humble and most 
obedient servant, 

*' William Popple/' 

William Penn was at Teddington, near London, 
when this letter reached him. It was dated the 
twentieth of October, and on the twenty-fourth he 
answered it. His answer, which I shall now give 
to the reader, seems to have been more finished than 
most of his compositions of the same sort ; and af- 
fords a proof that, however high others might rise 
in their style, diction, and the manner of their argu- 
ment, in those letters which they addressed to him, 
he also was able, when there was sufficient ground 
of incitement, to attain an equal height. 
" Worthy Friend, 

*^ It is now above twenty years, I thank God, that 
I have not been very solicitous what the world 
thought of me : for since I have had the know- 
ledge of religion from a principle^ in myself, the 

* V'e means the spirit in man, which is illuminated by the 
Spirit of God, so that the more the former bows itself for instruc- 
tion to the latter, the more the man advances both inwardly and 
outwardly to a holy life. 


first and main point with me has been to approve 
myself in the sight of God through patience and 
well-doing ; so that the world has not had weight 
enough with me to suffer its good opinion to raise 
me, or its ill opinion to deject me. And if that had 
been the only motive or consideration, and not the 
desire of a good friend in the name of many others^ 
I had been as silent to thy letter as I use to be to the 
idle and malicious shams of the times : but as the 
laws of friendship are sacred with those that value 
that relation, so I confess this to be a principal one 
with me, not to deny a friend the satisfaction he de- 
sires, when it may be done without offence to a good 

*^ The business chiefly insisted upon Is my Po- 
pery, and endeavours to promote it. I do say then, 
and that with all sincerity, that I am not only no Je- 
suit, but no Papist ; and, which is more, I never had 
any temptation upon me to be it, either from doubts 
in my own mind about the way I profess, or from 
the discourses or writings of any of that religion. 
And in the presence of Almighty God I do declare 
that the King did never once, directly or indirectly, 
attack me, or tempt me, upon that subject, the many 
years that I have had the advantage of a free access 
to him ; so unjust, as well as sordidly false, are all 
those stories of the town ! 

" The only reason, that I can apprehend, they 
have to repute me a Roman Catholic, is, my fre- 
quent going to Whitehall, a place no more forbid to 
me than to the rest of the world, who yet, it seems?, 


find much fairer quarter. I have almost continually 
had one business or other there for our Friends, 
whom I ever served with a steady solicitation 
through all times since I vv^as of their communion. 
I had also a great many personal good offices to do, 
upon a principle of chanty, for people of all per- 
suasions, thinking it a duty to improve the little in- 
terest I had for the good of those that needed it, 
especially the poor. I might add something of my 
own affairs too, though I must own (if I may with- 
out vanity) that they have ever had the least share, 
of my thoughts or pains, or else they would not have 
still depended as they yet do. 

*' But because some people are so unjust as to 
render instances for my Popery, (or rather hypocri- 
sy, for so it would be in me,) 'tis fit I contradict 
them as particularly as they accuse me. 1 say then 
solemnly, that I am so far from having been bred at 
St. Omer's, and having received orders at Rome, 
that I never was at either place, nor do I know any 
body there ; nor had I ever a correspondence witl\ 
any body in those places : which is another story in- 
vented against me. And as for my officiating in the 
King's chapel, or any other, it is so ridiculous as well 
as untrue, that, besides that nobody can do it but a 
priest, and that I have been married to a woman of 
some condition above sixteen years (which no priest 
can be by any dispensation v/hatever), I have not so 
much as looked into any chapel of the Roman reli- 
gion j and consequently not tha King's, though a 


common curiosity warrants it daily to people of all 

" And, once for all, I do say that I am a Protes- 
tant Dissenter, and to that degree such, that I chal- 
lenge the most celebrated Protestant of the English 
church, or any other, on that head, be he layman or 
clergyman, in public or in private. For I would 
have such people know, 'tis not impossible for a true 
Protestant Dissenter to be dutiful, thankful, and 
serviceable to the King, though he be of the Roman 
Catholic communion. Wq hold not our property 
or protection from him by our persuasion, and 
therefore his persuasion should not be the measure 
of our allegiance. I am sorry to see so many, that 
seem fond of the Reformed Religion, by their disaf- 
fection to him recommend it so ill. Whatever prac- 
tices of Roman Catholics we might reasonably ob- 
ject against (and no doubt but such there are), yet 
he has disclaimed and reprehended, those ill things 
by his declared opinion against persecution, by the 
ease in whicli he actually indulges all Dissenters, 
and by the confirmation he offers in Parliament for 
the security of the Protestant religion and liberty of 
conscience. And in his honour, as well as in my 
own defence, I am obliged in conscience to say, that 
he has ever declared to me it was his opinion ; and 
on all occasions, when Duke, he never refused me 
the repeated proofs of it, as often as I had any 
poor sufferers for conscience sake to solicit his help 



" But some may be apt to say, * Why not an}' 
body else as well as I r Why must I have the pre- 
ferable access to other Dissenters, if not a Papist?' 

I answer, I know not that it is so. -But this I 

know, that I have made it my province and busi- 
ness ; I have followed and prest it ; I took it for 
my calling and station, and have kept it above these 
sixteen years ; and, which is more (if I may say it 
without vanity or reproach), wholly at my own 
charges too. To this let me add the relation my 
father had to this King's service, his particular fa- 
vour in getting me released out of the Tower of 
London in 1669, my father's humble request to him 
Upon his death-bed to protect me from the inconve- 
niencies and troubles my persuasion might expose 
me to, and his friendly promise to do it, and exact 
performance of it from the moment I addressed 
myself to him ; I say, when all this is considered, 
any body, that has the least pretence to good nature, 
gratitude, or generosity, must needs know how to 
interpret my access to the King. Perhaps some 
will be ready to say, ' This is not all, nor is this 
yet a fault ; but that I have been an adviser in other 
matters disgustful to the kingdom, and which tend 
to the overthrow of the Protestant religion and the 
liberties of the people.'— ^A likely thing, indeed, 
that a Protestant Dissenter, who from fifteen years 
old has been (at times) a sufferer in his father's fa- 
mily, in the University, and by the Government, 
for being so, should design the destruction of the 
Protestant religion ! This is just as probable as it i$ 


true that I died a Jesuit six years ago in America. 
■ Will men still suffer such stuff to pass upon 

them ? Is any thing more foolish, as well as 

ialse, than that because I am often at Whitehall, 
therefore I must be the author of all that is done 
there that does not please abroad ? But, suppos- 
ing some such things to have been done, pray tell 
me, if I am bound to oppose any thing that I am not 
called to do ? I never was a member of council, ca- 
binet, or committee, where the affairs of the king- 
dom are transacted. I have had no office, or trusty 
and consequently nothing can be said to be done by 
me ; nor, for that reason, could I lie under any test 
or obligation to discover my opinion of public acts 
of state ; and therefore neither can any such acts, or 
my silence about them, in justice be made my 
crime. Volunteers are blanks and cyphers in all 
governments. And unless calling at Whitehall once 
a day, upon many occasions, or my not being turned 
out of nothing (for that no office is), be the evidence 
of my compliance in disagreeable things, I know not 
what else can, with any truth, be alleged against me. 
How-ever, one thing I know, that I have every 
where most religiously observed, and endeavoured 
in conversation with persons of 'all ranks and opi- 
nions, to allay heats, and moderate extremes, even 
in the politics. It is below me to be more particu- 
lar ; but I am sure it has been my endeavour, that 
if we could not all meet upon a religious bottom, at 
least we might upon a civil one, the good of Eng- 
land, which is the common interest of King and 


People ; that he might be great by justice, and we 
free by obedience ; distinguishing rightly, on the 
one hand, between duty and slavery ; and, on the 
other, between liberty and licentiousness. 

" But, alas ! I am not without my apprehension of 
the cause of this behaviour towards me, and in this 
I perceive we agree ; I mean my constant zeal for 
an impartial liberty of conscience. But if that be 
it, the cause is too good to be in pain about. I ever 
understood that to be the natural Right of all men ; 
and that he that had a religion without it, his reli- 
gion was none of his own. For what is not the 
religion of a man's choice is the religion of him that 
imposes it : so that liberty of conscience is the first 
step to have a religion. This is no new opinion with 
me. I have writ many apologies within the last 
twenty years to defend it, and that impartially. Yet 
I have as constantly declared that bounds ought to 
be set to this freedom, and that morality was the 
best ; and that as often as that was violated, under 
a pretence of conscience, it was fit the civil power 
should take place. Nor did I ever think of pro« 
moting any sort of liberty of conscience for any 
body, which did not preserve the common Protes- 
tancy of the kingdom, and the ancient rights of the 
Government ; for, to say truth, the one cannot be 
maintained without the other. 

" Upon the whole matter, I must say, I love 
England ; I ever did so ; and that I am not in her 
debt. I never valued time, money, or kindred, to 
serve her and do her good. No party could ever 


bias me to her prejudice, nor any personal interest 
oblige me in her wrong : for I always abhorred dis- 
counting private favours at the public cost. 

" Would I have made my market of the fears 
and jealousies of the people, when this King came 
to the crown, I had put twenty thousand pounds 
into my pocket, and an hundred thousand into my 
Province ; for mighty numbers of people were then 
upon the wing : but I waved it all ; hoped for bet- 
ter times ; expected the effects of the King's word 
for liberty of conscience, and happiness by it : and 
till I saw my friend^, with the kingdom, delivered 
from the legal bondage which penal laws for reli- 
gion had subjected them to, I could with no satis- 
faction think of leaving England, though much to 
my prejudice beyond sea, and at my great expense 
here, having in all this time never had either office 
or pension, and alvvays refusing the rewards or gra-i 
tuities of those I have been able to oblige. 

" If, therefore, an universal charity, if the assert- 
ing an impartial liberty of conscience, if doing to 
others as we would be done by, and an open avow- 
ing and steady practising of these things, in all 
times, and to all parties, will justly lay a man under 
the reflection of being a Jesuit, or Papist of any 
rank, I must not only submit to the character, but 
embrace it too ; and I care not who knows, that I 
can wear it with more pleasure than it is possible for 
them with any justice to give it me. For these are 
corner-stones and principles with me ; and I am 
scandalized at all buildings which have them not for 


their foundations. For religion itself is an empty 
name without them, a whited wall, a painted sepul- 
chre, no life or virtue to the soul, no good, or exam- 
ple to one's neighbour. Let us not flatter ourselves ; 
we can never be the better for our religion, if our 
neighbour be the worse for it. Our fault is, we are 
apt to be mighty hot upon speculative errors, and 
break all bounds in our resentments ; but we let 
practical ones pass without remark, if not without 
repentance : as if a mistake about an obscure pro- 
position of faith were a greater evil than the breach 
of an undoubted precept. Such a religion the devib 
themselves are not without ; for they have both 
faith and knowledge : but their faith doth not work 
by love, nor their knowledge by obedience. And 
if .this be their judgment, can it be our blessing ? — 
Let us not then think religion a litigious thing, nor 
that Christ came only to make us good disputants, 
but that he came also to make us good livers : sin- 
cerity goes further than capacity. It is charity that 
deservedly excels in the Christian religion ; and 
happy would it be if where unity ends, charity did 
begin, instead of envy and railing, that almost ever 
follow. It appears to me to be the way that God 
has found out and appointed to moderate our differ- 
ences, and make them at least harmless to society ; 
and therefore I confess, I dare not aggravate them 
to wrath and blood. Our disagreement lies in our 
apprehension or belief of things ; and if the com- 
mon enemy of mankind had not the governing of 
Qur affections and passions, that disagreement would 


Hot prove such a canker, as it is, to love and peace 
in civil societies. 

" He that suffers his difference with his neighbour 
about the other world to carry him beyond the line 
of moderation in this, is the worse for his opinion, 
even though it be true. It is too little considered 
by Christians, that men may hold the truth in un- 
righteousness ; that they may be orthodox, and not 
know what spirit they are of. So were the apostles 
of our Lord : they believed in him, yet let a false 
zeal do violence to their judgment, and their unwar- 
rantable heat contradict the great end of their Sa- 
viour's coming, Love. 

" Men may be angry for God's sake, and kill peo- 
ple too. Christ said it, and too many have practised 
it. But what sort of Christians must they be, I 
pray, that can hate in his name who bids us love, 
and kill for his sake, that forbids killing, and com- 
mands love, even to enemies ? 

" Let not men, or parties, think to shift it off 
from themselves. It is not this principle, or that 
form, to which so great a defection is owing, but a 
degeneracy of mind from God. Christianitv is not 
at heart ; no fear of God in the inward parts ; no 
awe of his divine omnipresence. Self prevails, and 
breaks out, more or less, through all forms but toe 
plainly, (pride, wrath, lust, avarice,) so that though 
people say to God, Thy will be done, they do their 
own ; which shows them to be true Heathens, 
under a mask of Christianity, that believe without 
works, and repent without forsaking ; busy foi: 


forms, and the temporal benefits of them ; while 
true religion^ which is to visit the fatherless and the 
widow^ and to keep ourselves unspotted from the 
world, goes barefoot, and like Lazarus is despised. 
Yet this was the definition the Holy Ghost gave of 
religion^ before Synods and Councils had the 
meddling with it and modelling of it. In those 
days bowels were a good part of religion, and that 
to the fatherless and widow at large. We can 
hardly now extend them to those of our own way. 
It was said by him that could not say amiss, ' Be- 
cause iniquity abounds, the love of many waxeth 
cold.' Whatsoever divides man's heart from God 
separates it from his neighbour ; and he that loves 
self more than God, can never love his neighbour 
as himself. For (as the apostle said) ' If we do not 
love him, whom we have seen, how can we love 
God, whom we have not seen?' 

" O that we could see some men as eager to turn 
people to God, as they are to blow them up, and set 
them one against another ! But, indeed, those only 
can have that pure and pious zeal, who are them- 
selves turned to God, and have tasted the sweetness 
of that conversion, which is to power, and not to 
form; to godliness, and not to gain. Such as those 
do bend their thoughts and pains to appease, not in- 
crease heats and animosities ; to exhort people to 
look at home, sweep their own houses, and weed 
their own gardens. And in no age or time was 
there more need to set men at work in their own' 
hearts, than this we live in, when so busy, wander- 


ing, licentious a spirit prevails ; for, whatever some 
men may think, the disease of this kingdom is sin, 
impiety against God, and want of charity to men. 
And while this guilt is at our door, judgment 
cannot be far off. 

" Now this being the disease, I w^ill briefly offer 
two things for the cure of it. 

** The first is David's clean heart and right spirit, 
which he asked and had of God : without this we 
must be a chaos still : for the distemper is within ; 
and our Lord said, all evil comes from thence. Set 
the inward man right, and the outward man cannot 
be wrong ; that is the helm that governs the human 
vessel; and this nothing can do but an inward prin- 
ciple, the light and grace that came by Christ, 
which, the Scriptures tell us, enlightens every one, 
and hath appeared to all men. — It is preposterous to 
think that he, who made the world, should show 
least care of the best part of it, our souls. No : he 
that gave us an outward luminary for our bodies, 
hath given us an inw^ard one for our minds to act 
by. We have it ; and it is our condemnation that 
we do not love it, and bring our deeds to it. 'Tis 
by this we see our sins, are made sensible of them, 
sorry for them, and finally forsake them. And he 
that thinks to go to Heaven a nearer way, will, I 
fear, belate his soul, and be irrevocably mistaken. 
There are but goats and sheep at last, whatever 
shapes we wear here. Let us not therefore, dear 
friend, deceive ourselves. Our souls are at stake j 
God will not be mocked ; what we sow we must 



expect to reap. There is no repentance in the 
grave ; which shows that, if none there, then no 
where else. To sum up this divinity of mine: It is 
the light of Jesus in our souls, that gives us a true 
sight of ourselves, and that sight that leads us to re- 
pentance ; which repentance begets humility, and 
humility that true charity that covers a multitude of 
faults, which I call God's expedient against man's 

" The second remedy to our present distemper is 
this : Since all of all parties profess to believe in 
God, Christ, the Spirit, and Scripture ; that the soul 
is immortal; that there are eternal rewards and 
punishments ; and that the virtuous shall receive 
the one, and the wicked suffer the other : I say, 
since this is the common faith of Christendom, let 
us all resolve in the strength of God to live up to 
what we agree in, before we fall out so miserably 
about the rest in which we differ. I am persuaded, 
the change and comfort, which that pious course 
would bring us to, would go very far to dispose our 
natures to compound easily for all the rest, and we 
might hope yet to see happy days in poor England, 
for there I would have so good a work begun. 
And how it is possible for the eminent men of 
every religious persuasion (especially the present 
ministers of the parishes of England) to think of 
giving an account to God at the last day, without 
using the utmost of their endeavours to moderate 
the members of their respective communions 
towards those that differ from them, is a mystery t© 


me. But this I know, and must lay it at their 
doors ; I charge also my own soul with it ; God re- 
quires moderation and humility from us ; for he is 
at hand, who will not spare to judge our impatience* 
if we have no patience for one another. The 
eternal God rebuke (I beseech him) the wrath of 
man, and humble all under the sense of the evil of 
this day ; and yet (unworthy as we are) give us 
peace for his holy name's sake, 

" It is now time to end this letter, and I will now 
do it without saying any more than this : Thou 
seest my defence against popular calumny ; thou 
seest what my thoughts are of our condition, and 
the way to better it ; and thou seest my hearty and 
humble prayer to Almighty God to incline us to be 
wise, if it were but for our own sakes. I shall only 
add, that I am extremely sensible of the kindness 
and justice intended me by my friends on this 
occasion, and that I am for that, and many more 

" Thy obliged and affectionate Friend, 

" William Penn.'* 

In about a fortnight after the %vriting of this 
letter, the nation being in a ferment on account of 
the arbitrary proceedings of James the Second^ 
William Prince of Orange landed at Torbay. He 
was received there with open arms, as well as after- 
wards by the country at large. Officers and men, 
abandoning their former banners, deserted to serve 
under him. The national discontent indeed was 


such, that James found it necessary to leave the 
kingdom and to retire to France. In process of 
time, as is well known, the Prince of Orange and 
his consort were advanced to the sovereignty of the 

The state of mind, which William Penn must 
have experienced on this sudden turn of things, 
may be imagined. He lost, by the flight of the 
King, one who with all his political failings had 
been his firm friend. But he lost (what most 
deeply afflicted him) the great patron, on whom he 
counted for the support of that plan of religious 
Toleration, for which chiefly he had abandoned his 
infant settlement in America, at a time when his 
presence was of great importance to its well-being. 
Neither had he any prospect that all he had labour- 
ed for or brought about would not, on account of 
the prejudices of the times, be utterly undone. 
Fallen too from power, and from the protection 
which power gave him, he was left exposed to thp 
popular indignation as a Papist and Jesuit^ and as 
one who had aimed to establish popery and arbi- 
trary power in the kingdom. To return to 
America, though she presented to him a peaceful 
asylum, he dared not, for that would have led 
persons to conclude that he had been guilty of what 
had been laid to his charge. To stay in England 
was dangerous. Conscious, however, of his own 
innocence, he resolved to remain where he was, and 
to go at large as before, following those occupations 


by which he thought he could best promote the good 
of his fellow-creatures. 

But it was not long after this determination, 
before he felt the effect of the political change which 
had taken place ; for on the tenth of December 
walking in Whitehall, he was sent for by the Lords 
of the Council, who were then sitting. Here he 
underwent an examination. In reply to some 
questions which were put to him, he protested, 
that " he had done nothing but what he could 
answer before God, and all the Princes in the 
world ; that he loved his country and the Protest- 
ant religion above his life, and had never acted 
against either; that all he had ever aimed at in his 
public endeavours was no other than what the 
Prince himself had declared for ; that King James 
had always been his friend, and his father's friend ; 
and that in gratitude he himself was the King's, and 
did ever, as much as in him lay, influence him to 
his true interest." Notwithstanding this manly 
and open declaration, and that nothing appeared 
against him, the Council obliged him to give secu- 
rity for his appearance the first day of the next 
term. Having complied with their mandate, he was 

With respect to America, things did not go on to 
his satisfaction there, for he determined upon an- 
other change in the Government by reducing the 
Executive to three persons. Instead of five Com- 
missioners it was to consist of a Deputy Governor 
and two Assistants* This arrangement he commu^ 


nicated by letter to President Lloyd^ who had 
before signified his intention of resigning his oj95ce, 
in which he offered him the Deputy Governorship. 
^' Now, though I have,'^ says he in this letter, " to 
])lease thee, given thee a quietus from all public 
business, my intention is to constitute thee Deputy 
Governor, and two in the character of Assistants, 
either of whom and thyself to be able to do all as 
fully as I myself can do : only I wait thy consent to 
the employment, of which advise me." 

President Lloyd still persisting in his resignation, 
William Penn was obliged to look out for another 
person, and in the course of his enquiries fixed 
upon Captain John BlackwelL He therefore noti- 
fied this appointment to the Commissioners, In his 
letter to them he stated that, when he determined 
upon this change, it " was not because he was dis- 
satisfied with their care or service." He then ad- 
verted to the character of Blackwell. " For your 
ease I have appointed one that is not a Friend, but 
a grave, sober, wise man, to be Governor in my 
absence. He married old General Lambert's 
daughter; was Treasurer to the Commonwealth'is 
army in England, Scotland, and Ireland : I suppose^ 
indepe .dent in judgment. Let him see what he 
can do awhile. I have ordered him to confer in 
private with you, and square himself by your 
advice. If he do not please you, he shall be laid 
aside. I desire you to receive him with kindness, 
and let him see it, and use his not being a Friend to 
Friends' advantage. He has a mighty repute of all 


sorts of honest people, where he has inhabited; 
which, with my own knowledge, has made me 
venture upon him." He then spoke of his quit- 
rents as if still in arrear, and as if Blackwell had 
been appointed as being a particularly proper per- 
son to superintend the collection of them. " I have 
rough people to deal with about my quit-rents, that 
yet cannot pay a ten-pound bill, but draw, draw, 
drav»^, still upon me. And it being his talent 
(Blackwell's) to regulate and set things in method, 
easy and just, I have pitched upon him to advise 
therein." It appears by the same letter as if he had 
been dissatisfied with the conduct of the Assembly. 
" I will add this," says he, '' that the Assembly, as 
they call themselves, are not so without Governor 
and Privy Council^, and that no Speaker, Clerk, or 
Book, belongs to them; and that the people have 
their Representatives in the Privy Council to pre- 
pare Bills, and the Assembly, as it is called, has only 
the power of aye or no, yea or nay. If they turn 
debaters, judges, or complainers, they overthrow the 
Charter quite in the very root of the constitution of 
it, for it is to usurp the Privy Councils part in the 
Charter, and to forfeit the Charter itself." 

At this time Captain Blackwell was in New 
England, and of course not far from his new Go- 
vernment : but his Commission had been sent him, 

• It is to be observed here, that when he changed the Execu- 
tive to five Commissioners, the Council still existed separately y and 
so it did w^hen he changed it to Deputy Governor and two As- 


and with it a letter, in which we find among others 
the following instructions : " That things should be 
transacted in his name by the style of his Patent 
only, namely, absolute Proprietor of Pennsylvania ; 
that Commissions signed and sealed by him in Eng- 
land should be sufficient warrants to pass them 
under the Great Seal ; that the Laws which were in 
being should be collected and sent over to him in a 
stitched book by the very first opportunity; that 
the Sheriffs of the respective counties should be 
charged with the receipt of his rents and fines, as in 
England, and give security to the Receiver-general 
for the time ; that care should be taken of the roads 
and highways in the country, that they might be 
straight and commodious for travellers, having 
been improperly turned about by planters for their 
own convenience; that speedy and impartial justice 
should be done, and virtue cherished and vice 
punished ; that fines should be in proportion to the 
fault and ability of the offender ; that feuds between 
persuasions and nations should be extinguished, as 
well as by good conduct prevented ; and that the 
widow, the oi^phan, and the absent, might be par- 
ticularly regarded in their rights.'' 



J. 1689 — appears according to his bail — no witness 
being found against him^ is discharged — Tolera- 
tion-act passes — the great privileges it confer-- 
red — his joy on the occasion — the great share he 
had in bringing it about — affairs of Pennsyl- 
vania • 

The time drew near, when William Penn was t© 
answer the charges, which might be made against 
him, in a public Court. Accordingly, on the last 
day of Easter Term he made his appearance there. 
After waiting a considerable time, not one person 
could be produced against him. Not one person 
could be found who would either say that he was 
a Papist or Jesuit^ or who would even try to prove 
that he had aided in any manner the late King in an 
attempt either to establish popery or arbitrary 
power. Accordingly, nothing having been laid to 
his charge, he was discharged in open Court. 

Soon after this he had the satisfaction of seeing 
the great Act of Toleration passed by King, Lords, 
and Commons. It is true, indeed, that this noble 
Act did not come up to the extent of his own wishes. 
And yet how vast the change ! All Dissenters were 
noxv excused from certain penalties^ if they xvould 
only take the Oaths to Government* They were 
allowed to apply for Warrants for those houses 


which they intended to worship in, and the Magis- 
trates were obliged to grant them; and, provided 
they worshipped in these with the doors not shitty 
they were not to be 7noIested, There was a viore 
particular exemption in the Act to the Sliiakers for 
the same purpose. Here then was an end of those 
vexatious arrest»^painfiil imprisonments, and deaths 
in bonds, which had afflicted and desolated the 
country for years. From this time men could go 
to their respective churches, and worship God in 
security in their own way. This must have been a 
most gratifying consideration to one to whose labours 
the Act itself was in part owing: for, while at the 
Hague, he had greatly impressed the mind of the 
Prince of Orange, now King William, in its favour. 
He had been the means of bringing over also many 
of his own countrymen, and these in the Legis- 
lature, to its support. For in the course of his 
numerous publications he had examined the ques- 
tion thoroughly, and diffused light concerning it 
through the kingdom. He had held up pictures of 
individual suffering, as it had occurred in all its 
varied shapes, to public view. He had appealed to 
reason and humanity on the subject. He had anti- 
cipated and combated objections. By urging James 
the Second to issue out, as speedily as he did, and 
then to renew, his indulgence to tender consciences, 
he had given an opportunity to persons of public 
character, and to his fellow-citizens at large, to see 
what would be the effects of Toleration. It had 
clearly appeared that, while this indulgence con- 


tinued, the nation was in a state of unexampled 
quiet, and that its interest had been greatly pro- 
moted by an extraordinary diffusion of industry, 
prosperity, and happiness. And here it may be ob- 
served, that Dr. Burnet, who was then Bishop of 
Salisbury, and who had taken an active part in 
favour of the Act in question, gives, in the " His- 
tory of his own Times," those as reasons why it had 
passed, which William Penn had long before given 
as reasons why it ought to pass. One would think, 
indeed, that the one had made use of the very 
words of the other. '' Wise and good men," says 
Burnet, " did very much applaud the quieting- of 
the nation by the Toleration. It seemed to be 
suitable both to the spirit of the Christian religion 
and to the interest of the nation. It was thought 
very unreasonable that, while we were complaining 
of the cruelty of the Church of Rome ^ we should /a// 
into such practices among ourselves^ and this while 
we were engaging in a war, in the progress of which 
we would need the united strength of the whole 

This great act having passed, William Penn 
thought of returning to America. But as the 
authors of infant projects, when ushered into the 
world, feel interested both in watching their pro- 
gress and their fate, so he felt his inclination check- 
ed in this respect for a time from the same cause. 
He felt a desire to see how this new-born babe 
would ')e received in the kingdom; how far the 
popular fury would be likely to retard, -or its favour 


to promote its growth. Impressed by such feelingts^ 
he resolved to protract his stay to the ensuing 

In the beginning of this year Captain Blackwell 
left Boston for Philadelphia. On his arrival there 
he delivered his appointment to the Commissioners, 
and, as soon as it was acknowledged by these, he 
took into his hands the reins of the Government. 
After a suitable time he summoned the Council 
and Assembly. He made a speech to the latter, 
after which he held himself ready to proceed upon 
the business of the Province. He had not, how- 
ever, been long in office before a misunderstanding 
took place between him and some of the Council, 
so that the public affairs were not managed with the 
desired harmony. He found it often difficult to get 
so many of them together as v/ould make a legal 
meeting for business, though more than this num- 
ber were known to be in the city at the time. He 
net only saw, but lamented to the Assembly, that 
dissentions still existed among them. At one time 
the Keeper of the Great Seal refused him the use of 
it on what he (Blackwell) thought (though he might 
have been mistaken) a proper occasion. These dif- 
ferences between the Deputy Governor and the two 
Legislatures were early reported to William Penn. 
All sides made their complaints to him. Of course 
he was called upon to consider them. Having done 
this, he wrote to Blackwell, and advised his resigna- 
tion. The latter, finding that he could not do what 
had been expected of him in the administration of 


the Province, honourably resigned his office, and 
returned to England, after a short stay in Philadel- 
phia of only a few months. 

In a letter written by William Penn to a Friend 
there, he unfolded more particularly than before the 
reason why he had appointed Blackwell to the high 
station of Deputy Governor. It appears that it had 
always been his wish to confer the Government on 
a Quaker, as one in whom he himself would have 
had the most confidence : but there was no Quaker 
fit for it who would undertake it, persons of that 
persuasion being generally averse from high political 
employments. Obliged then to seek out elsewhere, 
he preferred one who was a stranger to the Pro- 
vince, under a notion that he might be more impar- 
tial and more reverenced: but of all strangers 
Blackwell seemed to him to be the most eligible; 
for, says he, " he is in England and Ireland of great 
repute for ability, integrity, and virtue. I thought 
I did well. It was for good, God knows, and for 
no end of my own." 

What was the cause of dispute between Black- 
well and the other branches of the J^egislature is not 
known. It is possible that Blackwell might have 
made himself obnoxious by attending to the busi- 
ness of the quit-rents more closely than was liked. 
It is possible, again, that he might have disgusted 
^ome by the levity of his deportment; for he was a 
polished roan : he had mixed 'with great and fa- 
shionable people, and had seen the world. The 
members of the Legislature, on the other hand, 



were mostly of the clasa of Puritans, and of bevei: 
manners. They had been rendered still more sour 
by persecution. It is possible therefore that they 
might at their first interview, under these opposite 
aspects, have appeared cool and reserved to him ; 
and that he, fancying this appearance real, might 
have looked shy upon them. It is possible, again, 
that they might have been prejudiced against him as 
a military man. But whatever was the case, cer- 
tain it is, from the letter just mentioned, that Wil- 
liam Penn was induced to suspect, after an attentive 
consideration of all the evidence before him, that 
Blackwell's peevishness did not so much arise from 
any misconduct in him in the first instance as in 
them. " You see," says he, ^' what I have done 
upon the complaints ; but I must say, that his pee- 
vishness to some Friends has not risen out of the 
dust without occasion." 

On the departure of Blackwell the Executive Go- 
vernment reverted, according to the Constitution, to 
the Council, of which Thomas Lloyd, not willing to 
desert the State at this juncture, resumed the Presi- 
dency ; so that, having passed through the two 
changes, first of five Commissioners, and then of a 
Lieutenant Governor with two Assistants, it came 
back to its old form, as settled by the first General 
Assembly in 1683. 

There are several letters extant, which William 
Penn wrote to his Friends in America this year. In 
the first of these, which was written in the early part 
of it and before the coronation of William and M^- 


ry, he repeated the cause which had so long hinder- 
ed hitn from seeing them. '^ Europe," says he, 
" looks like a sea of trouble. Wars are like to be 
all over it this summer. I strongly desire to see 
you before it be spent, if the Lord will ; and I can 
say in his sight, that to improve my interest with 
King James for tender consciences, and that a 
Christian liberty might be legally settled, though 
against my own interest, was that which has sepa- 
rated me from you chiefly." In the same letter he 
manifested his great love and tender regard for 
them as a people. " If," says he, " it be with you 
as I can say it is widi me in the presence of God^ 
then are we one with him ; for neither length of 
days, nor distance of place, nor all the many waters 
bet\\een us, can separate my heart and affection 
from you." 

In a second he invited them to that divine love, 
which he has just been described to have experien- 
ced himself, as their greatest earthly blessing. *' And 
nvvv, Friends," says he, ^' I have a word more for 
yoov and that is this ; that Faith, Hope, and Chari- 
ty, are the great helps and marks of true Chris- 
tians ; but above all Charity is the Love of God. 

Blessed are they who come to it, and who hold 

the truth in it, and work and act in it ; for they, 
though poor indeed in spirit of their own, are yet 
rich in God^s ; though they are meek, they inherit. 

This will preserve peace in the church ; peace 

in the state ; peace in families ; peace in particular 
bosoms. God Almighty draw, I beseech him, all 


your hearts into this heavenly love more and more, 
so that the work of it may shine out more and more 
to his glory and your comfort!" 

In a third, which was a private one to Thomas 
Lloyd, he advised him of a present which he had 
sent him, and " which he was to value by the heart, 
and not by the thing itself." 

In a fourth, which was addressed to the same, 
after the Presidentship of the Council hsd reverted 
to him, he instructed him to set up a public Gram- 
mar School in Philadelphia, which he, William 
Penn^ would incorporate by a charter at a future 

In a fifth, which was addressed to the Council af- 
ter their restoration to power, he expressed himself 
thus : " I heartily wish you all well, and dg beseech 
God to guide you in the ways of righteousness and 
peace. I have thought fit, upon my further stop in 
these parts, to throw all into your hands, that you 
may all see the confidence I have in you, and the de- 
sire I have to give you all possible contentment. I 
do earnestly press your constant attendance upon the 
Government, and the diligent pursuit of peace and 
virtue ; and God Almighty strengthen your hands 
in so good a work ! If you desire a Deputy Go- 
vernor rather, name three or five persons, and I 
will name one of them. I do not do this to lay a 
binding precedent, but to give you and the people 
you represent the fullest pledges I am able, at this 
distance, of my regard to them. Whatever you do, 
I desire, beseech, and chi^rge you all to avoid fac- 


tions and parties, whisperings, and reportings, and 
all animosities ; that, putting your common shoul- 
ders to the public work, you may have the reward 
of good men and patriots ; and so I bid you heartily 


42 MLMOIilS or THE LIF£ 


A. 1690 — letter of thanks to a Friend — 26^ arrested 
again on a charge of corresponding with James 
the Second — his open and manly defence before 
King William — is made to find bail — appears in 
Court and is discharged — prepares for returning 
to Pennsylvania — is again arrested — tried — and 
acquitted — writes to the widow of George Fox on 
the death of her husband — is on the point of sail- 
ing for Pennsylvania^ but accused by Fuller — con* 
stables sent to take him — the voyage stopped — goes 
into retirement — affairs of Pennsylvania* 

William Penn, though he saw no disposition 
either in the King or in the Parliament to amend 
the Toleration- Act, so as to bring it nearer to his 
own wishes, had yet the pleasure to find that it had 
at least become so popular, except among some of 
the Clergy, that it was likely to maintain its ground. 
Finding, therefore, that he must be satisfied with it 
as it then stood, and being at the same time thank- 
ful to Divine Providence for what had been so far 
obtained, he resolved to embark for Pennsylvania in 
the course of the present year. 

About this time he wrote to a Friend on the fol- 
lowing occasion. He himself had been in the habit 
of writing letters to the Duke of Buckingham, who 
\yas then deceased. His friend had fallen in with 


some of these, and was then collecting them, with 
a view of preventing them from passing into impro- 
per hands ; for he supposed, probably, that they 
might contain political matter ; and as William Penn 
was then daily watched by the new Government as 
a person suspected to be hostile to it, there might be 
expressions in them, which might be so tv/isted and 
misinterpreted, if his enemies should see them, as 
to afford a handle for putting him to trouble. The 
letter then, written by William Penn, was a letter of 
thanks to his friend for the service intended him, 
and ran thus : 

" Though nothing of an interest of my own was 
the reason of the ancient esteem I have had for thee, 
yet that only is the motive at this time to this free- 
dom ; for being informed by Jer. Grimshaw, that 
some of my letters to the late Duke of Buckingham 
are in thy hands, and that thy wonted kindness to all 
of our communion had shown itself in my regard by 
collecting them apart, to prevent their falling under 
any improper notice, I thought m\ self obliged both 
to return my acknowledgments for that friendly cau- 
tion, and to desire thee to let them follow^ him they 
were written to, who can be no more know n to the 
living. Poor gentleman ! I need not trust another 
hand than that, which w^as unwilling any other should 
be trusted with them but my own. I know not what 
the circumstances of that time might draw from 
me ; but my only business with him ever was to 
make his superior quality and sense useful to this 
kingdomy that he might not die under the guilt of 


mispend'ing the greatest talents that were among 
the nobility of a?iy country. However, in the rub- 
bish of those times and the late extraordinary Revo- 
lution let them lie, and let us all think of this only 
way to the peace and happiness we pretend to seek, 
namely, to give God his due out of us, and then we 
shall have our dues out of one another ; and without 
i't let us not wonder at the nimble turns of the world, 
nor reflect upon the mischiefs that attend them. 
They are the natural effects of our breach of duty 
to God, and will ever follow it. We, like the Jews, 
are full of jealousy, humour, and complaint, and 
seek for our deliverance in the wTong place. When 
we grow a better people, we shall know better days ; 
and when we have cast off Satan's yoke, no other 
can hold longer upon us. Things do not change. 
Causes and effects are ever the same ; and they that 
seek to over-rule the eternal order, fight with the 
winds, and overthrow themselves. But what is this 
to my subject ? I close with the true sense of all thy 
tenderness to our poor folks, and regards to myself, 
beseeching God, that more than the reward of him 
that gives a cup of cold water in the name of a Dis- 
ciple may be thy portion, when this very trifling 
world may be no more. 

" I am thy affectionate, true Friend, 

"William Penn.'^ 

Soon after the writing of this letter, and while he 

was turning his thoughts towards the things to be 

done preparatory to his voyage, he was arrested by 

a body of military, and brought again before the 


Lords of the Council. The charge then against him 
was, that he was holding a traitorous correspond- 
ence with the late King, who was then in France. 
Upon this he desired to appeal to King William in 
person. His request was granted. The King and 
Council appeared together. A letter was then pro* 
duced, which had been written to him by James, 
and which had been intercepted by Government on 
its way, in which he (James) '' desired him (Penn) 
to come to his assistance, and to express to him the 
resentments of his favour and benevolence." The 
question first put to William Penn was, why King 
Jame« wrote to him ? He answered, that it was im- 
possible for him to prevent the King from writing 
to him, if he, the King, chose it. He was then ques- 
tioned as to what resentments these were, which 
James seemed to desire of him. He answered, 
" he knew not ; but he supposed the King meant 
that he should endeavour his Restoration. Though, 
however, he could not avoid the suspicion of such 
an attempt, he could avoid the guilt of it. He con- 
fessed he had loved King James, and, as he had 
loved him in his prosperity, he could not hate him 
in his adversity ; yes, he loved him yet for the many 
favours he had conferred on him, though he could 
not join with him in what concerned the state of the 
kingdom. He owned again, that he had been much 
obliged to the King, and that he was willing to repay 
his kindness by any private service in his power ; 
but that he must observe inviolably and entirely 
that duty to the State, which belonged to all the 

46 :memoirs of the life 

subjects of it ; and therefore that he had never had 
the wickedness even to think of endeavouring to re- 
store hitn that crown, which had fallen from his 
head ; so that nothing in that Iv^tter could in any 
wise fix guilt upon him." This defence, which was 
at once manly, open, and explicit, had its weight 
with the King, so that he felt himself inclined to dis- 
miss him as an innocent person ; but some of the 
Council interfering, he, to please them, ordered him 
to give bail to appear at the next Trinity Term, 
After this he was permitted to withdraw, and to go 
at large as before. 

There can be no doubt but that, in a sitting which 
occupied two hours, many more questions v/ere put 
to, and of course answers given by, William Penn,^?S^ 
than those which have been now communicated ; 
but these are all that have come down to us, and but 
for Gerard Croese they might have remained as if 
they had never been. That his account, as now- •*' 
given, is generally true is highly credible; for the 
editors of that splendid work g(^neraUy termed *•*■ Pi- 
cart's Religious Customs and Ceremonies of all 
Nations," speaking of William Penn, allade to the 
defence which he made on this occasion. *"*• This," 
say they, '* was confirmed by a letter King James 
wrote to Penn from France after the Revolution 
had been brought about by King William the Third. 
Penn was strictly examined concerning this corres- 
pondence. His answer rvas noble^ generous^ and 
wise : but party-animosity made it be looked upon, 
in the hurry of spirits at that time, as a barefaced 



espousing King James's cause. And most Protest- 
ants% chiefly news and libel-writers, thought it no 
less a crime than high treason to profess a friend- 
ship for that Prince." 

William Penn, being now at large for a time, was 
so conscious of his own innocence, and therefore so 
fearless of the consequences of his approaching trial, 
that he actually employed himself in preparing for 
his voyage to Pennsylvania. At the time appointed 
he appeared in Court : but here, as before, no one 
coming forward as evidence against him, he was 
honourably discharged. 

Being once more at liberty, he returned to his 
home, when his voyage occupied his attention again. 

t this time the country was in great consternation 
n account of an expected invasion by the French. 
TThe French fleet had already beaten the English in 
conjunction with the Dutch, and was then hovering 
6ff* the coast. King William too was in Ireland. 
The Queen therefore was obliged to exert herself 
in defence of the nation. This she did by calling 
out the militia and in other ways : but in order to 
strike terror at this moment into the supposed con- 
spirators with France, she published a proclamation 
for apprehending Edward Henry, Earl of Lich- 
field ; Thomas, Earl of Avlesbury ; William, Lord 
Montgomery; Roger, Earl of Castlemain ; Rich- 
ard, Viscount Preston ; Henry, Lord Bellasis ; Sir 

* Picaift's book was a Roman Catholic publication, printed at 
Jaris, and afterwards translated into the English language. 


Edward Hales ; Sir Robert Thorold ; Sir Robert 
Hamilton ; Sir Theophilus Oglethorpe ; Colonel 
Edward Sackvile ; Lieutenant Colonel William 
Richardson ; Major Thomas Soaper ; Captain Da- 
vid Lloyd; Edmond Elliott; Marmaduke Lang- 
dale ; Edward Rutter ; and William Penn. Here 
then we see William Penn brought into trouble 
again ; for the above Proclamation was not out long, 
before he was again apprehended and sent to pri- 
son. He was obliged to lie there till the last day of 
Michaelmas Term, when he was brought \ip before 
the King's Bench Court, Westminster, for trial. 
The result was equally honourable as in the former 
cases ; for, though evidence appeared, it failed to 
prove any thing against him. 

William Penn began now to think that there was 
no security for his person in England. No sooner 
had he been legally and honourably acquitted of one 
charge, than he was arrested upon another. Under 
these circumstances he looked to his departure from 
England both with anxiety and delight. Having 
accomplished in a great degree the principal object 
for which he had crossed the Atlantic, he longed 
now with the most earnest longing for a quiet re- 
treat in Pennsylvania. He used accordingly double 
diligence for that purpose. He was already far ad- 
vanced in his preparations for the voyage. The 
vessel had been taken up, which was to carry him 
over. Numbers of persons also, in consequence of 
certain proposals, which he had published this sum- 
mer, for a new settlement in Pennsylvania, had 

OF WILLlA]\f PE51N. 49 

been preparing to accompany him, some in his own, 
and others in other vessels. The Secretary of State 
also had gone so far as to appoint him a convoj , 
which was to be ready on a given day. 

Just at this time George Fox, his beloved Friend, 
and the founder of the religious Society of the Qua- 
kers, died in London. It fell to his lot to commu- 
nicate this event to his wife, who was then in Lan- 
cashire. His letter was very short. " I am to be," 
says he, " the teller to thee of sorrowful tidings in 
some respect, which is this, that thy dear Husband, 
and my beloved and dear Friend, finished his glori- 
ous testimony this night about half an hour after 
nine, being sensible to the last breath. O, he is 
gone, and has left us in the storm that is over our 
heads, surely in great mercy to him, but as an evi- 
dence to us of sorrows to come !" In alluding to 
his powers as a minister of the Gospel, he says, " a 
Prince indeed is fallen in Israel to-day j" and to his 
irreproachable life, " he died, as he lived, a lamb, 
minding the things of God and his Church to the 
last, in an universal spirit." After this, when the 
time came, he attended his remains to the grave. 
Here he spoke publicly, and for a considerable time, 
to about two thousand persons who attended the 
funeral ; thus paying the last earthly respect in his 
power to his deceased Friend, and thus endeavour- 
ing to make even his death useful to those present. 

It appeared now, as if he hud little more to do than 
to take leave of his numerous Friends, and to em- 
bark. But alas, how short-lived and transitory are 

VOL. n. F 


sometimes our best hopes ! In an instant all his 
happy dreams, all his expectations came to nothing: 
for, but a day or two before the funeral of George 
Fox, a wretch of the name of Fuller, one whom 
Parliament afterward had occasion to declare a 
cheat and impostor^ ^ had come forward with an ac- 
cusation against him upon oath, so that messengers 
had been sent to the very funeral itself with a war- 
rant to apprehend him ; but, mistaking the hour, 
they arrived too late for their purpose. Thus his 
voyage was entirely stopped for the present year. 

Unable now to leave the kingdom with honour^ 
the vessels proce<ided without him to Pennsylvania. 
He WTOte by them of course to explain the causes 
ivhich had hindered him from arriving at the same 
time, but none of these letters have been preserved. 
One, however, is forthcoming, which he wrote by a 
subsequent conveyance, and which relates to the 
event in question. ' " By this time," says he, " thou 
wilt have heard of my troubles, the only hinderance 
of my return, being in the midst of my preparations 
with a great company of adventurers when they 
came upon me. The jealousies of some and un- 
worthy de;ilings of others have made Vv^ay for them : 

* The House resolved, *' That William Fuller was a notorious 
impostor, a cheat, and a false accuser, havmg scandalized the 
Magistrates and the Government, abused this House, and falsely 
accused several persons of honour and quality;" and they re- 
solved on an Address to His Majesty to command his Attorney- 
general to prosecute the said impostor. He was accordingly pro- 
secuted, and sentenced to the pillory, in which he is said to have 
stood without either modesty or remorse. 


but under and over it all the ancient Rock has been 
my shelter and comfort ; and I hope yet to see your 
faces with our ancient satisfaction. The Lord 
grant it, if it be for his glory, whose I desire to be 
in all conditions ; for this world passeth away, and 
the beauty of it fadeth : but there are eternal 
habitations for the faithful, among whom I pray 
that my lot may be, rather than among the Princes 
of the earth. 

'' I desire that my afflictions may cease, if not 
cure, your animosities or discontents among your- 
selves, if yet they have continued, and that thou 
wilt, both in Government and to my Commission- 
ers, yield thy assistance all thou canst. — By all 
this God may prepare me to be better for future 
service, even to you there. I ask the people for- 
giveness for my long stay ; but when I consider 
how much it has been my own great loss, and for an 
ungrateful generation, it is punishment. It has 
been twenty thousand pounds damages in the 
country, and about ten thousand pounds here, and 
to the Province five hundred families. But the 
wise God, who can do what he pleases ^s well as 
see what is in man's heart, is able to requite all ; 
and I am persuaded all yet shall work together for 
good in this very thing, if we can overlook all that 
stands in the way of our views God-ward in public 

matters. See that all be done prudently and 

hdmbly, and keep down irreverence and looseness, 
and cherish industry and sobriety. God Almighty 


be with you, and amongst you, to his praise, and to 
your peace !" 

William Penn, after this new accusation by 
Fuller, determined upon retirement. To have 
gone to Pennsylvania, merely with a view of 
making his escape, would have been useless, for he 
would have been equally amenable there to British 
laws. But to have gone there, even if no laws could 
have reached him, would have been disgraceful. It 
would have been, while such an accusation hufjg 
over his head, to lose his reputation, and of course 
his influence and future usefulness in his own Pro- 
vince. To have delivered himself up voluntarily, 
on the other hand, into the hands of the Magistracy, 
and this after three Trials, in all which he had been 
acquitted, seemed unnecessary, and to answer no 
public end. This indeed would have been to sacri- 
fice his health in a prison ; and then, after a fourth 
acquittal, there would have been no security that 
some profligate wretch would not have accused him 
again, and this in the midst of expensive prepara- 
tions for another voyage. He judged it therefore 
best to retreat from the world for a while. By this 
resolution he did not throw himself wantonly in the 
way of the Government, nor did he endeavour to 
fly from it. If those in the Administration chose 
to press another Trial, they might discover where 
he was, or they might seize him if he ventured 
abroad ; for his person had been often marked, and 
was generally known. It was his belief, too, that 
innocent men, who offered up their prayers to the 


Almighty, were usually directed for the best, and 
that it became hiai therefore to remain in England, 
and, shutting himself up from the affairs of the 
world, to wait humbly for guidance as to his future 
path. Accordingly he took a private lodging in 
London, where he devoted himself to study and re- 
ligious exercises, and where he was occasionally vi- 
sited by a few friends. 

The absence of William Penn began now to be 
seriously felt in the Province ; for about this time 
the symptoms of disorder appeared, which after- 
wards greatly disturbed it, and which, it is suppos- 
ed, had he resided there, never would have taken 
root at all ; because the open, candid, and impartial 
way in which he conducted the Government gave 
no opportunities for jealousies or suspicions ; and 
because his temperate and conciliating manners, 
and his readiness to hear and redress grievances, 
and his power so to do, healed them when pro- 
duced. Among these symptoms, it appeared as if 
the jSeople of the Territories wished to have sepa- 
rate interests from those of the Province.— — Wil- 
liam Penn had by Charter connected both of them 
in Legislation and Government, and had consider- 
ed them as one people. He had of course given 
them equal privileges, and a share in the Govern- 
ment in proportion to their respective populations. 
But yet dissatisfaction began to creep in. The in- 
habitants of the Territories, conceiving that public 
appointments ought to be more evenly distributed^ 
as it respected them, than they appeared to be. 

j4 memoirs of the life 

began to think that there ought to be separate Es- 
tablishments for the said Territories and Province ; 
that is, one set of civil Officers for the one, and a 
distinct set for the other, to be chosen by the Repre- 
sentatives of each in Council. The first conse- 
quence of this notion was the following. William 
Clark, Luke Watson, Griffith Jones, John Brink- 
loe, John Cann, and Johannes d'Haes, six of the 
Council belonging to the Territories, met in the 
Council-room privately and without any official 
summons, and, considering themselves as a legal 
Council, issued forth Commissions for constituting 
Provincial Judges and other Officers. Such an act, 
it must be obvious, would give rise to disturbances: 
for the Officers who were appointed by them would 
not like to give up their places ; and, the electioa 
itself being void, it was not probable that they 
would be continued. Hence the real and pretend- 
ed electors would divide into two parties, each hav- 
ing its partisans. It was therefore necessary to 
come to some determination on this point, and ac- 
cordingly a Council was legally summoned for the 
purpose. This Council decreed, after exposing the 
absurdity of the proceedings in question, " That 
all Entries, Orders, and Commissions, made and 
given forth by the above six Members, were deem- 
ed null and void from that day ; of which all 
Magistrates, Officers, and others concerned, were 
to take due notice." Thus the matter was settled 
for the present year. 



A, 1691 — continues in retirement^-^new Proclama- 
tion for his apprehension-^hecomes more unpopu- 
lar than ever^^falls under the censure of some of 
his own Society — writes in consequence a general 
letter to the members of it — is visited in his retire- 
ment-^ Message sent to him there by John Locke 
—writes a preface to Barclay'* s Apology — affairs 
of Pennsyhania, 

William Penn had been but little more than 
six weeks in his retirement, when another Procla- 
mation came out for the apprehension of him, and 
of Dr. Turner, Bishop of Ely, and of James Gra- 
hame. This Proclamation was in consequence of 
the accusation of Fuller. It v/as founded on the 
charge, that he and the two just mentioned had 
been accomplices in a conspiracy with the Earl of 
Clarendon, the Viscount Preston, and two others of 
the names of Elliott and Ashton, (the latter of whom 
had been executed in consequence only a month be- 
fore,) to send intelligence to, and to invite over to 
England, James the Second, who was then in France. 
The clamour now was greater than ever against him. 
He was loaded with reproaches from almost all 
quarters. All those who disliked him, and there 
were too many of this description, took this new op- 


portunity of reviling him. In the first place, those 
of the Church of England, except Dr. Tillotson and 
a very few other liberal individuals, hated him with 
an implacable hatred, because he had taken up the 
cause of the Dissenters. Hence Papist^ Jesuit^ 
Rogue, and Traitor, resounded where they went. 
In the second place, the Dissenters hated him be- 
cause they supposed that, under the mask of reli- 
gious liberty, he had been promoting the schemes of 
James in behalf of popery and arbitrary power. 
They propagated therefore the same epithets with 
the same industry and virulence. Thirdly, there 
was at this time a numerous class of foreign Protes- 
tants in the kingdom, namely, those who had fled 
from France after the Revocation of the Edict of 
Nantz. All these joined also in the cry of his con- 
demnation. They had themselves smarted under 
the lash of Popery, and had therefore no mercy 
upon the man who would restore James, and thus 
revive it in the land which was to be now the land 
of their habitation. Add to this, that he began to 
fall under the censure of many of his own religious 
Society. This grieved him more than all. He had 
borne up against the opprobrium of the world, and 
had made no attempt to counteract it: but he could 
no longer be silent under this new wound ; and 
therefore he addressed to the members at large, 
through their Representatives met in their Annual 
Assembly, the following letter : 


" My beloved, dear, and honoured Brethren, 

" My unchangeable love salutes you ; and though 
I am absent from you, yet I feel the sweet and low- 
ly life of your heavenly fellowship, by which I am 
with you, and a partaker amongst you, whom I have 
loved above my chiefest joy. Receive no evil sur- 
misings, neither suffer hard thoughts, through the 
insinuations of any, to enter your minds against me, 
your afflicted but not forsaken Friend and Brother. 
My enemies are yours ; and, in the ground, mine 
for your sake : and that God seeth in secret, and 
will one day reward openly. My privacy is not be- 
cause men have sworn truly, but falsely, against 
me ; * for wicked men have laid in wait for me, and 
false witnesses have laid to my charge things I knew 
not,' who have never sought myself, but the good of 
all, through great enemies, and have done some 
good, and would have done more, and hurt no man ; 
but always desired that Truth and Righteousness, 
Mercy and Peace, might take place amongst us. 
Feel me near you, my dear and beloved Brethren, 
and leave me not, neither forsake me, but wrestle 
with him that is able to prevail against the cruel de- 
sires of some, that we may yet meet in the congre- 
gation of his people, as in days past, to our mutual 
comfort. The everlasting God of his chosen, in all 
generations, be in the midst of you, and crown 
your most solemn Assemblies with his blessed pre- 
sence ! that his tender, meek, lowly, and heavenly 
Love and Life may flow among you, and that he 
would please to make it a seasoning and fruitful op- 


portunity to you, desiring to be remembered of you 
before him, in the nearest and freshest accesses, 
who cannot forget you in the nearest relation, 
" Your faithful Friend and Brother, 

" William Penn." 

While he was living in retirement he was visited 
by a few select friends, who were mostly of the 
same religious profession with himself. These ad- 
ministered to him consolation in their turn. There 
was one person, however, not of the Society, by 
whose grateful remembrance of him at this afflict- 
ing season he was peculiarly gratified. His old 
friend and fellow collegian, John Locke, had come 
home in the fleet which had brought the Prince of 
Orange to England. Finding that he had been per- 
secuted in the manner described, he desired to be 
the instrument of jprocuring a pardon for him from 
King William. It may be remembered that Wil- 
liam Penn had made a similar offer to Locke when 
the latter was in banishment at the Hague. It is 
remarkable that the same answers followed on both 
occasions. William Penn persisted in declaring 
that he had never been guilty of the crime alleged 
against him, and that he could not therefore rest sa- 
tisfied with a mode of liberation, the very terms of 
which would be to the world a standing monument 
of his guilt. 

After this we hear nothing more of William Penn 
for the remainder of the year, except that he wrote a 
Preface to the Works of the celebrated Apologist, 
Robert Barclay, and another to those of John Burn- 


yeat, an eminent minister of his own religious Soci- 
ety, and with whom he had been in habits of friend- 
ship for many years. 

As for his aifairs in America, they bore an aspect 
worse than ever. Though the Decree of the Pro- 
vincial Council, as mentioned in the last chapter, 
had been carried into eflFect, it did not remove the 
dissatisfaction which had sprung up among the in- 
habitants of the Territories. They still conceived 
they had not their share of public appointments, 
and therefore they requested the Council to propose 
a Bill to the Assembly, to enable nine of the mem- 
bers of the Territories, or any six of them, to ap- 
point three Judges, and also all other Officers ; and 
that no other Judges and Officers should be imposed 
upon them for the said Territories but such as were 
so chosen. 

This proposal was transmitted to England by 
Thomas Lloyd. William Penn was much hurt on 
receiving it. Willing, however, to show the people 
of thi^ Territories that he was not inattentive to their 
complaints, he proposed to the Council, which con- 
sisted of both parties, as a first effort at conciliation, 
the choice of any of the three Governments of which 
they had had a trial. The Executive might be in- 
vested in a Council, or in five Commissioners, or in 
a Deputy Governor. They could any of them tell 
which of these they had found the most impartial in 
the distribution of public places. 

On the publication of this offer, it appeared to be 
the wish of the people of the Province that a Depu« 


ty Governor should exercise the power in question ; 
and accordingly without delay they requested that 
Thomas Lloyd might be appointed to the office. 

' But no sooner was this request made, than the 
members for the Territories protested against it. 
They preferred, they said, the five Commissioners; 
and most of all they disliked a Deputy Governor. 
They gave the reasons for their preference ; but the 
true one was, that, if a Deputy Governor were ap- 
pointed, they would be burthened in part with the 
expense of his support. 

As soon as this preference was understood, 
with the unworthy motive which had induced it, 
Thomas Lloyd wTote a letter to the members for 
the Territories, and sent it to them by four respect- 
able persons to Newcastle, who might confer with 
them on the subject. In this letter he warned them 
against the effects of their conduct both upon the 
Province and Territories, and patriotically promis- 
ed, on his part, that as long as he remained in the 
station of Deputy Governor he would not burthen 
the latter with the charge of a single penny for him- 
self, nor would he ever accept of any maintenance 
for himself from them at any future time, unless 
they themselves should voluntarily make a request 
to him for that purpose. But neither letter nor 
embassy would do ; and the consequence was, that 
these members, regardless of the confusion to which 
their rashness might expose the country, not only 
ceased to attend in their legislative capacities, but 

prevented others from being elected in their places : 


and, what is more remarkable, they were supported 
in these their proceedings by Colonel Markham, 
the relation of William Penn, 

Thomas Lloyd was now acknowledged as Deputy 
Governor by the Province, and acted in that capa- 
city, though he was not acknowledged as such by 
the Territories. When this was reported to William 
Penn, he was much displeased. He was displeased 
first with Thomas Lloyd. He considered his ac- 
ceptance of such a broken Office, of such an half 
Government, as pregnant with mischief, because 
likely to confirm the notion of a division of interests 
between the Province and Territories, as before de- 
scribed. His displeasure, however, was soon re- 
moved ; for the Council, in a letter to him, declared 
that Thomas Lloyd, instead of being a gainer by 
any public office he had held, had considerably 
worsened his own estate thereby ; so that self-inte- 
rest could have been no motive with him for accept- 
ing the new Commission. They said, too, that he 
was a great lover and promoter of concord, that he 
disliked a public life, and that he never would have 
accepted the Commission but by the importunity of 
his friends and of the Province itself. William Penn 
then began to be angry with the Territory-men. He 
could not help blaming them for their ingratitude. 
They had considered it as a great mercy to be united 
to the Province, and now they wished to be sepa^ 
rated from it, though tied to it by Charter. He 
considered their movements to have sprung from 
no other source than that of ambition. *' This 



Striving," says he in a letter to a friend, " can arise 
from nothing else ; and what is that spirit, which 
would sooner divide the child than let things run 
on in their own channel, but that which sacrifices all 
bowels to wilfulness ? Had they learned what this 
means, * I will have mercy and not sacrifice,' there 
had been no breaches nor animosities between them, 

at least till I had come." However, it was not 

the being angry with the one or with the other that 
would cure dissentions and save his possessions. 
The case was to be considered impartially and 
coolly, with a view to the best remedy ; and dispatch 
was necessary. Suffice it to say, that, after mature 
deliberation, he concluded it to be best to confirm 
the Deputy Governorship to Thomas Lloyd, which 
would please the Province, and, as an equivalent on 
the other side, to appoint Colonel Markham his 
Deputy Governor of the Territories : and accord- 
ingly he sent out Commissions for that purpose. 

Besides the schism between the Province and the 
Territories, another of a different nature, a religious 
one, had sprung up. One George Keith was the 
author it. He is said to have been a man of quick 
natural parts and considerable literary attainments, 
fond of disputation, acute in argument, and confi- 
dent and overbearing in the same. He had been 
for some time an acknowledged minister among the 
Quakers. He now found fault with the discipline 
of the Society. He ridiculed some of its customs, 
and certain also of its religious tenets, though he 
liad once written in their defence. He passed con- 


tempt on the decisions of some of their Meetings. 
Soon after this he founded a new sect. Those who 
followed him he called Christian Quakers, and all 
the others Apostates. By his plausible manner and 
powerful talent of speaking he had drawn so many 
after him as to fill one Meeting-house. Thus, by 
dividing the Quakers, he added two parties to thpse 
which political differences had made before. 



A. 1692-^^ontinues in retirement — writes " Just 
Measures^'^ — general contents of this -work — also 
*' A Key'^'^ whereby to know and distinguish the 
Religion of the Quakers — general contents of it — 
also " New Athenians no noble Berean^^^^affairs 
of Pennsylvania* 

William Penn coatinued in retirement ; and it 
is remarkable that he was never disturbed by con- 
stable, magistrate, or any other officer of justice. 
His friends frequently visited him. Among other 
objects which interested his mind during this 
period, he was particularly anxious to promote har- 
mony in his own religious Society, and to defend it 
from the attacks of its enemies. Disputes concern- 
ing discipline still continued among the members of 
it ; but these had taken a new turn. There were 
some, for example, who saw no reasons why there 
should be meetings of women to do any part of the 
business of the Society separate from the men; 
William Penn therefore, to do away this notion, 
argued the case in a little work, to which he gave 
the following title, " Just Measures, being an 
Epistle of Peace and Love to such Professors of 
Truth as are under Dissatisfaction about the Ordey 
practised in the Church of Christ,*' 


He lamented in this work that they, who were 
one in faith and worship, should be divided as to 
the mere management of the Church. Had they 
been divided as to the former points, this w^ould 
have been a serious cause of difference, because the 
conscience would have been concerned in it. But 
the matters in dispute had no such relation. They 
related to mere modes of government or formality 
in order, but not to the essentials of religion. At the 
same time the Discipline, though it was not a matter 
of conscience, embraced a care which had a wide 
range of operation for good. It was the business, for 
example, of all Churches to take care of the births, 
marriages, and funerals of their members ; to look 
to the poor and necessitous, the young, the aged, 
and infirm among them ; and particularly to those 
who were morally weak and diseased; so that by 
v/holesome admonition they might assist in curing 
the latter, as well as in trying to prevent similar dis- 
orders in others. Now there must be forms of 
Discipline or Church- government, or the care o£ 
such important matters could not be carried on. 
But were not women in the sight of God, and ac- 
cording to the light of the Gospel, parts of the 
Church of Christ, as well as men? And, if they 
were parts of this Church, ought they not to become 
helpers in the Church's business? But, besides, it 
must be obvious that, when women came under the 
discipline of the Society, women were more fit to 
interfere than men, that is, they were fitter persons 
than men to have the care and oversight of tlieii 


own sex. This was the general substance of his 
essay on this subject. 

It happened at this time, that the Quakers be- 
gan to be attacked by some of other religious de- 
nominations as to their doctrinal creed, after a long 
interval, during which scarcely any one had dis- 
turbed them on this account. Many began, but 
particularly among the Baptists who lived at Dept- 
ford, to misrepresent their principles ; that is, they 
gave out their own perversions of the Quakers' doc- 
trines, and called these their Creed. These perver- 
sions soon came to the knowledge of William Penn, 
who, after having diligently collected them, brought 
out a publication called '^ A Key, opening the Way 
to every Capacity how to distinguish the Religion 
professed by the People called Quakers, from the 
Perversions and Misrepresentations of their Adver- 
saries; with a brief Exhortation to all Sorts of 
People to examine their Ways and their Hearts, 
and turn speedily to the Lord." 

The way in which he managed his Key was this. 
First, he gave out the general head of the doctrine 
which had been misrepresented. Under this head 
he placed the proposition or propositions as they 
contained the doctrine in its perverted state. Under 
this again he gave the proposition or propositions as 
they contained the doctrine as it was received by 
true Quakers. Upon the latter he then reasoned, 
taking care to show the difference between the mean- 
ing of the two. The general heads of the doctrines 
were these:' " The light within, what it is^ and the 


Virtue and Benefit of it to Man^ — Infallibility and 
Perfection — The Scriptures, their Truth, Authority, 
and Service — The holy Spirit of God, and its Office 
with respect to Man and the Ministry — The holy 
Three, or Scripture Trinity — The Divinity of 
Christ — The Manhood of Christ — Christ Jesus, his 
Death, and Sufferings — Good Works — Water 
Baptism and the Supper—The Resurrection and 
eternal Recompence — Civil Honour and Respect — 
Civil Government.'^ The propositions under these 
general heads were drawn up with great conciseness, 
and yet with remarkable perspicuity. The pam- 
phlet indeed, which contained them, was a masterly 
performance, and reached the twelfth edition even 
in the lifetime of its author. 

The Quakers were attacked also in a periodical 
paper, which was published in London at this time, 
and which was called *' The Athenian Mercury •" 
In no less than three numbers of the said paper, ob- 
jections were raised both to their practice and doc- 
trines. They were called persecutors on account 
of their discipline, and silly enthusiasts for refusing 
a civil oath. They were charged with speaking 
contemptibly of the Scriptures, of denying them to 
be the word of God, of turning them into allegories, 
of rejecting the notion of a Trinity, also the notions 
of the resurrection of the body and of the plenary 
satisfaction of Christ. These and similar charges 
appeared in the same paper. William Penn thought 
it right to answer them. This he did in a work 
which he called " The New Athenians no noble 


Bereans,^' though in his ^' Just Measures" and in 
his " Key" together he might be said to have an- 
swered them before. 

While he was employed in these works, his mind 
was deeply affected by a circumstance which seemed 
to point to an issue materially connected with his 
domestic happiness. It was but too apparent that 
the health of his wife began to be seriously impair- 
ed ; and at this time the symptoms, which had before 
shown themselves, had broken out into actual sick- 
ness. Neither the disorder itself, nor the cause of 
it, has been handed down to us. It is certain, how- 
ever, that the great trials, difficulties, and afflictions, 
under which her husband had laboured and was 
then labouring, must have affected her mind; and it 
is therefore not improbable, that this affection was 
the original cause of her complaint. 

The intelligence which was sent him from Ame- 
rica during this period, was both pleasing and dis- 
tressing. In the first place, it was a matter of no 
small consolation to him to learn, that the Commis- 
sions, which he had sent out for two Deputy Go- 
vernors, had been the instruments of restoring tran- 
quillity to his possessions even beyond his expecta- 
tions. The people of the Province were pleased 
with his confirmation of the appointment of Thomas 
Lloyd, because the latter had been the object of 
their own choice: and those of the Territories 
were pleased with the appointment of Markham: 
first, because he had espoused their cause; and 
secondly, because, having him for a Deputy Go- 


vernor, they had their own separate Council also j 
and from one or both of these all appointments to 
civil offices would be made out of themselves for 
their own district. The Deputy Governors too 
acted in harmony, so that they agreed to write a 
joint letter to their Governor, of which the follow- 
ing is a copy : 

*' Worthy Governor, 
" These few lines, we hope, may much ease thy 
mind in reference to thy exercises concerning the 
affairs of thy Government here, by informing thee, 
that with unanimous accord we rest satisfied with 
thy two Deputations sent for the Executive Go- 
vernment of the Province and Territories annexed. 
And thy Deputies concurring amicably at this 
time to act as one general Government in legis- 
lation, we have proceeded in preparing jointly some 
few Bills, that thereby our present united actings 
may be as well published as the respective services 
of the Government answered. What particular 
transactions of moment, which have occurred upon 
our calm debates of the choice of Three, we refer to 
the Minutes for thy satisfaction. We heartily wish 
thee well ; and with longing expectations desire thy 
speedy return to us, where, we doubt not, thou wilt 
find a most grateful reception, and better face of 
affairs than may seem to thee there at this distance. 
So bidding thee adieu at this time, we remain 

'' Thy faithful and well-wishing Friends, 
" Thomas Lloyd, 
" William Markham.'^. 


With respect to the other part of the intelligence, 
it appeared that Keith had increased the religious 
schism before mentioned. He had drawn off with 
him so large a portion of persons, as to have set up 
Meetings in divers places. He had however, in 
consequence of these proceedings, been excommu- 
nicated or disowned by those who had remained 
faithful at their post. Exasperated at this, he had 
made himself doubly troublesome. He had pro- 
ceeded to vilify the Magistrates, and this in cases 
where, if they had not acted as they did, they would 
not have done their duty. One instance of this will 
suffice. A man of the name of Babit, with some 
others, had stolen a small sloop from a wharf in Phi- 
ladelphia, and these, in going down the river with 
it, had committed other robberies. Intelligence of 
this having been given to the Magistrates, three of 
them gave out a warrant in the nature of an hue 
and cry to take them, with a view of bringing them 
to punishment. It so happened that the men were 
taken and brought to justice. Now as the Magis- 
trates who granted this warrant were all Quakers, 
Keith had gone about and represented their conduct 
on this occasion as a violation of their religious 
principles ; for he considered the apprehension of 
the offenders as a species of war against their per- 
sons ; and against war they, the Magistrates, pre- 
tended to bear their testimony as a religious people. 
From one thing he had proceeded to another. He 
had published virulent books, reflecting upon the 
Magistrates in other respects, endeavouring there- 


by to degrade them in the eyes of their inferiors. 
For one of these publications he had been pre- 
sented by the Grand Jury of Philadelphia, and had 
afterwards been tried, found guilty, and fined. Not- 
withstanding this, he was still following the same 
disorderly career. 



A. 169 3f~^continues in retirement^-^is deprived of 
his- Government by King William — his forlorn si- 
tuation at this period — resohes upon returning to 
Pennsylvania — letter to that ej^ect — hut is pre- 
vented by embarrassed circumstances^^writes 
" Fruits of Solitude"^"* — preface and contents of the 
same — also " Essay towards the Present and Fu- 
ture State of Europe^'^ — analysis of the latter — 
letter to N. Blandford — is heard before King Wil- 
liam and his Council^ and acquitted — death of his 
wife — her character — affairs of Pennsylvania. 

The intelligence which William Penn had re- 
ceived last from America, as it related to Keith, 
gave him, on the very first perusal of it, the most 
serious uneasiness, not only because the conduct of 
the latter tended to spread still wider the seeds of 
confusion in the Province and Territories, but be- 
cause he foresaw, as several of his letters at the 
time testify, those unhappy consequences which 
very soon afterwards resulted to himself. They 
who were at the head of affairs in England, were no 
strangers to the disorders which had taken place in 
his Government during the last two years ; and, as 
he himself had become obnoxious to them, they had 
taken care already to make the most of them to the 
King. They had already held up to him the quar- 


i:els between the Province and Territories, as argu- 
ments to prove that he, William Penn, was incapa- 
ble of governing the new country which had been 
granted to him. As soon therefore as the schism 
of Keith with all its ramifications and consequences 
became known, they considered their arguments as 
confirmed. Hence they spread reports of it, but 
particularly of his trial and punishment by fine, 
throughout the kingdom. By the pains taken to 
communicate the latter, they occasioned a great 
sensation both in Westminster-hall and in the two 
Houses of Parliament. They soon afterwards af» 
firmed, that Pennsylvania was in a state of ruin, 
and that nothing could save it but taking away the 
Government from William Penn. Not a moment, 
they said, was to be lost in resorting to this expedi- 
ent ; and so rapidly was this notion disseminated, 
and industriously impressed upon the King and 
Queen, that by a Commission granted by William 
and Mary to Colonel Fletcher, the Governor of 
New York, to take upon him the Government of 
Pennsylvania and the Territories thereunto annex- 
ed, William Penn was, very soon after the news 
had arrived, deprived of all authority over th^ 
same^ — and this before he had time to explain him- 
self on the subject, or to throw in any reasons in bar 
of the appointment which had taken place. 

One may more readily conceive than describe the 
feelings which must have sprung up in his mind, 
when the news of this cruel measure Ivas conveyed 
to him. All his hopes and prospects of giving to 

VOL. 11. H 


the world a pattern, as he had imagined, of a more 
perfect Government and of a more viituous and 

happy People, were now over. His fortune 

might now be considered, not as having been pru- 
dently and benevolently expended in America, but 
as having been absolutely thrown away.— Re- 
moved from the high situation of a Governor of a 
province, he was now a persecuted exile. Dash- 
ed down from the pinnacle as it v/ere of eminence 
and of favour in his native country, he was now 

living between privacy and a gaol. Keith, from 

having been once his confidential friend, had be- 
come now a traitor. His wife, who was on the 

bed of sickness, and in a state of visible decline, 
brought on no doubt by a deep feeling for his mis- 
fortunes, was now subjected to the weight of a ten- 
fold trial from the same cause. Add to this, that 

his name had become a name of public reproach. 
Individuals even of his own religious Society, as I 
mentioned in the former chapter, had deserted him ; 
but now, to aggravate the case, he had fallen in the 
esteem of a considerable number of those who be- 
longed to it^. He had fallen in the esteem of those 

* There can be no doubt of this fact : not that the Quakers 
ever considered him as a Papist, or as guilty of the charge 
brought against him by Fuller, as contained in the last Proclama- 
tion, but that he had meddled more ivkh politics, or with the con- 
cerns of the Governme?it^ than became a member of their Christian 
body, -iu^ugh they allowed that he took such a part often out of 
pur benevolence to others i have a memorandum to this effect, 
left by Thomas Lower in his own hand writing, dated at the 
latter end of the present year, which is as follows : 


whom he '' had loved above his chiefest joy." He 
had become therefore a sort of outcast of society. 
It seemed indeed as if the measure of his affliction 
was now full. But, happily for him. he found re- 
sources equal to the pressure which bore upon him* 
Had he been a mere earthly-minded man, all had 
been wretchedness and despair. We know not to 
what lengths a situation so desperate might have 
driven him. But he still kept his reliance on the 
great Rock which had supported him. He knew 
that human life was full of vicissitudes ; but he be- 
lieved that they who submitted with patience and 
resignation to the divine will would not be ultimate- 
ly forsaken, and that to such even calamities work- 
ed together for their good. 

** Underwritten is what was upon my mind to offer, and which 
I have since offered to William Penn as an expedient ^br a recon- 
ciliation bct'i:ixt him and Friends. 

♦* First, for William Penn to write a tender, reconciling epistle 
to all Friends as in the love and wisdom of God it shall be open- 
ed unto him, and in the closure thereof to insert as followeth, or 
to the following effect : 

**«Andif in any things during these late revolutions I have 
concerned myself either by words or writings (in love, pity, or 
good-will to any in distress,) further than consisted with Truth^s 
honour or the Church's peace, I am sorry for it ; and the Govern- 
ment having passed it by, I desiice it may be by You also, that so 
We may be all kept and preserved in the holy tie and bond of 
Love and Peace t© serve God and his Truth in our generation to 
the honour of his holy Name, which will render Us acceptable to 
God, and more precious one to another ; and finally bring Us, 
Uirough Jesus Christ our Lord, to the participation of the im- 
mortal crown which is prepared for all that continue faithful in 
well-doing \mto the end.""' 


Having lost his Government, one of the most im- 
portant questions that occurred to him in the pre- 
sent year was, not how he might regain it, but what 
it became him to do that the Province and Territo- 
ries might suffer as little as possible by the change. 
A new Governor had already been appointed, and 
this a mere military man, who, knowing nothing of 
his plans, might introduce a system which would 
counteract, if not sap the foundation of, his ow^n, 
and thus prevent all the good he had expected from 
the latter. It appears that, after having considered 
the subject, he determined upon going to Pennsyl- 
vania, though it is evident that he could only have 
gone there as a pri\^te person. He knew, however, 
that even in this capacity he could be useful there. 
He could take care, for instance, by being on the 
spot, that the Constitution, which he had made so 
many sacrifices to settle, should not be infringed 
without a reasonable complaint or protest on the 
part of himself and others. He sa)'s, in a letter 
written at this time to certain Friends in Pennsyl- 
vania jointly, that, " considering how things then 
stood and might stand with them, it was necessary 
that he should speedily return." But, alas! he had 
become so embarrassed in his circumstances, that 
he knew not how to get over to them. "His ex- 
penses," he said in the same letter, " had been 
great in King Jameses time, and his losses great in 
this King's time, the one being at least seven thou- 
sand pounds, and the other above four thousand 
pounds, together with four hundred and fifty 


pounds a year totally wasted in Ireland. He sug- 
gested therefore to his Friends to find out a hun- 
dred persons in the Province who would each of 
them lend him one hundred pounds, free of interest, 
for four years. He would give them his bond for 
the loan. The money, if raised then, would be ten 
times more to him than the same sum at any other 
time, and he would never forget the kindness of 
those who should lend it. In this case he would 
bring his wife and family over with him." It ap- 
pears, by this letter, as if he could have obtained 
permission for the voyage. King William, indeed, 
had often expressed a regard for him ; but the King 
could not always resist the opinion of his Ministers, 
or of those who frequented his Court. 

As he was to continue in his retirement, at least 
till an answer came to this letter, he had no other 
way of benefiting mankind in the interim than by 
his writings. He undertook for this purpose a little 
work, which was to consist of the result of his own 
experience on many important subjects. He had 
seen much of life. He had travelled in his own 
country and in Ireland. He had visited France, 
Holland, and Germany. He had lived in America, 
then reputed a new quarter of the globe. He had 
surveyed therefore men under different tongues, 
colours, climates, manners, religions, and govern- 
ments. He had himself experienced prosperity and 
adversity. In the course therefore of his chequer- 
ed experience he had found out, he believed, what 
was wisdom and what was folly, what would turn to 


solid enjoyment, and what to vexation of spirit. 
He determined therefore to put down in his retire- 
ment such Maxims on different subjects as he 
thought he could warrant as substantial, and, when, 
thus collected, to publish them. I'his book he ac- 
cordingly completed after no small labour, and 
brought it out under the tide of " Some Fruits of 
Solitude, in Reflections and Maxims relating to the 
Conduct of human Life." The preface to it, which 
is both lively and instructive, will give the reader 
some notion of its value. 

" The Enchiridion, Reader, I now present thee 
with, is the fruit of Solitude, a school few care to 
Ijearn in, though none instructs us better. Some 
parts of it are the result of serious reflection, others 
the flashing of lucid intervals, written for private 
satisfaction, and now published for an help to 
human conduct. 

" The author blesseth God for his retirement, 
and kisses that gentle hand which led him into it ; 
for, though it should prove barren to the world, it 
can never do so to him. 

" He has now had some time he could call his 
own, a property he was never so much master of 
before, in which he has taken a view of himself and 
the world, and observed wherein he has hit or 
missed the mark ; what might have been done i 
what mended and what avoided in human conduct ; 
together with the omissions and excesses of others, 
as well societies and governments as private fami- 
lies and personsr And he verily thinks, were he to 


live over his life again, he could not only with God's 
grace serve him, but his neighbour and himself, bet- 
ter than he hath done, and have seven years of his 
time to spare. And yet perhaps he hath not been 
the worst or the idlest man in the world, nor is he 
the oldest. And this is the rather said, that it might 
quicken thee, Reader, to lose none of the time that 
is yet thine. 

" There is nothing of which we are apt to be so 
lavish as of time, and about which we ought to be 
more solicitous, since without it we can do nothing 
in the world. Time is what we want most, but 
what, alas, we use worst, and for which God will 
certainly most strictly reckon with us when time 
shall be no more ! It is of that moment to us in re- 
ference to both worlds, that I can hardly wish any 
man better than that he would seriously consider 
what he does with his time ; how and to what ends 
he employs it ; and what returns he makes to God, 
his neighbour, and himself, for it. Will he never 
have a ledger for this ? for this, the greatest wisdom 
and work of life ? To come but once into the world, 
and trifle away our true enjoyment of it, and of our- 
selves in it, is lamentable indeed. This one reflec- 
tion would yield a thinking person great instruc- 
tion ; and, since nothing below man can so think, 
man, in being thoughtless, must needs fall below 
himself ; and that, to be sure, such do as are uncon- 
cerned in the use of their most precious time. This 
is but too evident, if we will allow ourselves to con- 
sider that there is hardly any thing we t^e by the 


right end, or improve to its just advantage. We 
understand little of the works of God either in na- 
ture or grace. We pursue false knowledge, and 
mistake education extremely. We are violent in 
our affections, and confused and immethodical in 
our whole life, making that a burthen which was 
given as a blessing, and so of little comfort to our- 
selves or others, misapprehending the true notion of 
happiness, and so missing of the right use of life and 
way of happy living: and till we are persuaded to 
stop, and step a little aside out of the noisy crowd 
and incumbering hurry of the world, and calmly 
take a prospect of things, it will be impossible we 
should be able to make a right judgment of our- 
selv^es, or know our own misery. But after we have 
made the just reckonings, which retirement will 
help us to, we shall begin to think the world in great 
measure mad, and that we have been in a sort of 
Bedlam all this while. Reader! whether young or 
old, think it not too soon or too late to turn over the 
leaves of thy past life, and be sure to fold down 
where any passage of it may affect thee ; and bestow 
the remainder of thy time to correct those faults in 
thy future conduct ! Be it in relation to this or the 
next life, what thou wouldst do, if what thou hast 
done were to do again, be sure to do as long as thou 
livest upon the like occasions. Our resolutions 
seem to be vigorous, as often as we reflect upon our 
past errors ; but, alas, they are apt to grow flat again 
upon fresh temptations to the same things ! The 
Author does not pretend to deliver thee an exact 


piece, his business not being ostentation, but charity. 
It is miscellaneous in the matter of it, and by no 
means artificial in the composure. But it contains 
hints that may serve thee for texts to preach to thy- 
self upon, and which comprehend much of the 
course of human life ; since, whether thou art pa- 
rent or child, prince or subject, master or servant, 
single or married, public or private, mean or ho- 
nourable, rich or poor, prosperous or unprosperous, 
in peace or controversy, in business or solitude, 
whatever be thy inclinfition or aversion, practice or 
duty, thou wilt find something not unsuitably said 
for thy direction and advantage. Accept and im- 
prove what deserves thy notice. The rest excuse, 
and place to account of good-will to thee and the 
whole creation of God." 

This was the Preface. With respect to the Book 
itself, I am sorry I have no room for extracts from 
it. I must therefore satisfy myself with laying be- 
fore the reader the bare topics on which he gave his 
Reflections and Maxims, as they related to human 
life. They stand in the work in the following or- 
der : Ignorance — Education — Pride-— Luxury — 
Inconsideration — Disappointments and Resignation 
— Murmurings — Censoriousness — Bounds of Cha- 
rity — Frugality and Bounty — Discipline — Industry 
— Temperance — Apparel — Right Marriage— Ava- 
rice — Friendship — Qualities of a Friend — Caution 
and Conduct — Reparation — Rules of Conversation 
— Eloquence — Temper — Truth — Justice — Secrecy 
— Complacency — Shifting — Inteicest — Inquiry — 


Right Timing — Knowledge — Wit — Obedience to 
Parents — Bearing — Promising — Fidelity — Office 
of Master — of Servant — Jealousy — Posterity — a 
Country Life — Art and Project — Temporal Happi- 
ness — Respect — Hazard — Detraction — Moderation 
— Trick — Passion — Personal Caution — Balance — 
Popularity — Privacy — Government — A private 
Life — A public Life — Qualifications — Capacity — 
Clean Hands— Dispatch — Patience — Impartiality 
— IndifFerency — Neutrality — A Party — Ostenta- 
tion — Complete Virtue — Religion. 

Among the other subjects which occupied his at- 
tention, at this time, was that of War. He was 
deeply affected by the miseries it occasioned ; so 
that, on a renewed contemplation of these, he found 
his mind turned as it were to the consideration how 
an evil so monstrous might be prevented. A plan 
for this purpose gradually unfolded itself, built upon 
a hint suggested by another, which he communica- 
ted in a work (the next fruit of his solitude) called 
" An Essay towards the present and future Peace 
of Europe," a short analysis of which I feel it a duty 
to present to the reader. 

In the four first sections he laid it down, that 
Peace was a thing most desirable ; that Peace was 
promoted more by Justice ihdiVi by War; and that 
Justice was as much the natural and expected result 
of Government, as Government itself was the natu- 
ral and expected result of Society. He then pro- 
posed his Plan for the great object contained in the 
title of his Essay. He was of opinion, that as Go- 


vernments held their Parliaments, Sessions, and As- 
sizes, at home, to over-rule man's passions and re- 
sentments, so that they who had been injured by 
these might obtain justice at home ; so he saw no 
reason why Princes might not, by a mutual concur- 
rence, establish Assemblies or Diets abroad, to over- 
rule the same bad affections, with a view of obtain- 
ing justice in their disputes with one another. He 
suggested therefore the idea of a great Diet on the 
Continent for this purpose ; that is, that the Princes 
of Europe would, for the same reason which first 
occasioned men to enter into society, namely. Love 
of Peace and Order, establish one sovereign Assem- 
bly, before which all differences between them 
should be brought which could not be terminated by 
embassies, and the judgment of which should be so 
binding, that, if any one Government offering its 
case for decision did not abide by it, the rest should 
compel it. Such a Diet might have one session in 
the year, or one in two or three years, or as often as 
occasion might require. 

He observed in the fifth section, that Peace was 
usually broken upon three principles : namely, ei- 
ther to keep, or to recover, or to add. As to the 
principle of addition or aggrandizement, this the 
Diet would immediately quash. As to the two 
former, it would settle them by a cool and judicious 

In the sixth section he referred to the Titles 
upon which differences might arise among States. 
Title, he said, was either by long and undoubted 


succession, as in England, France, and other parts j 
or by election, as in Poland and in the Empire ; or 
by marriage, as when the family of the Stuarts came 
to England ; or by purchase, as was frequently the 
case in Italy and Germany ; or by conquest, as by 
the Turks in Christendom. Now the last title only 
was questionable ; and the Diet would decide this 
by determining, as a general rule, how far back Ti- 
tles should go to make an adopted right. 

He suggested in the seventh section, that every 
independent Country should send Delegates to this 
Diet according to its population, revenue, and other 
public marks. If Germany were to send twelve, 
France ten, and others in their due proportion, the 
whole Diet for Europe need not consist of more 
than ninety persons. 

To avoid quarrels about Precedency, he proposed 
in the eighth section, that the Delegates should pre- 
side by turns, or, in the good old Venetian way, by 
secret ballot. All complaints should be delivered 
in writing, in the nature of Memorials. They 
should be written in the Latin or French language. 
Nothing should pass but by the concurrence of 
three-fourths of the Delegates. Journals should be 
kept of the Proceedings in trunks, which should 
have as many different locks as there were sets of 

In the ninth section he anticipated and answered 
objections to his Plan. In the tenth he showed the 
advant?^ges of it. And in the eleventh he drew his 
conclusion. Here he stated, that it was the inten- 


tion of Henry the Fourth of France to have obliged 
the Princes of Europe to some such balance as this, 
had he not been taken off by the hand of Ravilliac. 
" His example," says he, " tells us that this is Jit to 
to be done; Sir William Temple's History of the 
United Provinces shows us, by a surpassing in- 
stance, that it may be done; and Europe, by her in- 
comparable miseries, that it ought to be done. My 
3hare is only in thinking of it at this juncture, and 
putting it into the common light, for the peace and 
prosperity of Europe." 

Among the private letters which he wrote at this 
time, one has fallen into my hands, which, as it 
shows the warmth of feeling with which he pursued 
his friendships, and the pious state in which his 
mind was almost constantly preserved, I have 
thought it proper to copy. [t was dated Lon» 
don, the eleventh of September, and addressed 
to Nathaniel Blandford, at Stratford, and ran 
thus : 

'' Dear Friend, 

^^ I was surprised last night, when I was told of 
thy great illness, and weakness, and desire to see 
me. Surely had I ever heard it I should have 
broken through^ all my exercises to have seen 

* It appears from this sentence, that, though he was an exile 
in lodgings in London, he had not formed the resolution of ne- 
ver stirring out of doors ; for he would have visited his friend 
Blandford, had he known of his indisposition before. It is to be 
presumed, therefore, that he v/ent from home whenever other iit 
occasions presented themselves. I mention this merely as a mark 


thee ; and I cannot express my trouble that my 
landlord should not have told it me, though order- 
ed by Jos. B. seventh day week ; and truly I won- 
der Joseph never hinted it himself. I now dis- 
patch my kinsman this morning to hear of the state 
of thy health, desiring of the Lord his merciful 
loving-kindness towards thee and thine in thy 
preservation. And I pray God sanctify this visi- 
tation to thee on thy better part's account, that 
Truth in the inward parts may get ground, and the 
testimony and cross of Jesus may prevail to thy 
prosperity every way. I have been thinking to see 
you sometimes ; then interrupted by sorrowful 
occasions ; then of writing to thy dear wife, whom 
I love and esteem above most I know, and with 
my letter of sending her a few books : but I know 
not how I have been prevented. The all-wis6 
God give us faith to believe all shall work to- 
gether for the best ! So, with our true love and 
concern for thee and thine, I rest thy most assured 


" William Penn. 

" My poor friend (his wife), we hope, is in a 
mending way, though slowly. She is very weak.'' 

In about two months after the writing of this 
letter he was released from his exile by the interpo- 

'o£ the consciousness of his own innocence, because his person 
had been so noticed, and had become so familiar to people in 
London, that the Government might have easily apprehended 
him, when on these excursions, had it been so inclined. 


sition of his friends. Certain persons of rank and 
influence, who had intimately known and admired 
his character, thought it was time to interest them- 
selves in his behalf. They considered it as a dis- 
honour to the Government, that a man who had 
lived such an exemplary life, and who had been so 
distinguished for his talents, disinterestedness, 
generosity, and public spirit, should be buried in an 
ignoble obscurity, and prevented from rising to 
future eminence in usefulness, in consequence of 
the attack of an unprincipled wretch, whom the 
Parliament had publicly stigmatized as a cheat 
and impostor, or of the mere suspicion of having 
incurred the charge that had followed it. There 
was nothing, they conceived, in his conduct, as far 
as it had been investigated, which could lead impar- 
tial persons to suppose that he was in any degree 
guilty of any of the charges which had been exhi- 
bited against him. Three of these he had met by a 
personal appearance both before the King and 
Council, and in the Courts of Law, and he had been 
honourably acquitted.. Dr. Tillotson, Mr. Popple, 
Mr. Locke, and many persons distinguished for 
their character and attainments, yet held him in 
esteem. The Government itself had thought his 
case hard ; for it had never followed up the accu- 
sation of Fuller even by encouraging the first War- 
rant, or the Proclamation, by any active search for 
his person. In all parts of the kingdom were those 
whom he had benefited by his private liberality. In 
America he had sacrificed a princely fortune for a 


public good. All his actions, however mistaken he 
might be ia the opinion of some, were so consistent 
with each other as to afford a demonstration that 
they proceeded from fixed principles, and these of 
the purest kind. These considerations began to 
operate upon many, and particularly upon the Duke 
of Buckingham, and the Lords Somers, Ranelagh, 
Rochester, and Sidney. The three last went in a 
body to King William. " They represented his 
case to His Majesty not only as hard, but as op- 
pressive. There was nothing,^' they said, '^ against 
him but what impostors or such as had fled their 
country had advanced; or such as, when they had 
been pardoned for their crimes, they had refused to 
verify. They themselves," they added, " had long 
known him (William Penn), some of them thirty 
years, and they had never known him do an ill 
thing, but many good offices, and that if it had not 
been for being thought to go abroad in defiance of 
the Government he would have done it two years 
ago ; but that he chose to wait to go about his busi- 
ness, as before, with leave, that he might be the 
better respected in the liberty he took to follow it." 
King William answered, that '^ William Penn 
was his old acquaintance as well as theirs, and that 
he might follow his business as freely as ever, for 
that he had nothing to say against him." Upon 
this they pressed His Majesty to command one of 
them to declare this his gracious intention to Sir 
John Trenchard, who was then principal Secretary 
of State. To this the King consented ; and as the 


Lord Sidney was one of the most intimate acquaint- 
ances William Penn had, he was selected for the 
purpose. The Secretary of State, upon receiving 
the intelligence from the Lord Sidney, was much 
pleased; for William Penn, he said, had done him 
signal service after the Duke of Monmouth^s and 
Lord Russel's business. Soon after this orders 
came to him from the King himself. In conse- 
quence of this he, Sir John, appointed William 
Penn a time to meet him. An interview took place 
on the thirteenth of November, when Sir John, ia 
the presence of the Marquis of Winchester, told 
him '' he was as free as ever;" adding, that ^' as he 
doubted not his prudence about his quiet living, so 
he assured him he should not be molested or injur- 
ed in any of his affairs, at least while he held that 
post." It appears, however, as if William Penn 
had not been satisfied with the manner of his re- 
lease; for a Council was afterwards held, where, 
the King and many Lords being present, he was 
heard in his own defence, and where he so pleaded 
his innocency that he was acquitted. 

At this time the case of his wife had become 
hopeless. It was, however, a great gratification to 
him to think, that, before her spirit fled to other 
mansions, she knew of his honourable restoration to 
society. To her his acquittal must have given in- 
describable pleasure. The news of it must have 
been as balm to the wounds of sickness. Suffice it 
to say, that in about a month after this event she 

I 2 


It cannot be expected, from the very nature oi 
society, that the wives of individuals should go 
down to posterity with an illustrious name, except 
they have distinguished themselves in a public man- 
nen Those females, who fulfil their domestic 
duties even in the most exemplary manner, are 
seldom recorded but in the breasts of their own 
families. Men are looked upon as the great movers 
in life ; and these find a place in biographical his- 
tory, when their wives, who have perhaps exhibited 
far more brilliant characters, have gone in silence to 
the grave : and yet a few words, taken from records, 
may be said in behalf of Gulielma Maria Penn. 
Thomas EUwood, a Quaker, relates, in the History 
of his own Life, an anecdote, which shows the esti- 
mation in which she was held, at least in one of the 
places where she had lived. The reader has already 
been informed, that William Penn soon after his 
marriage resided at Rickmansworth in Hertford- 
shire, but that he removed afterward to Worming- 
hurst in Sussex. I may now mention, that Thomas 
Ell wood had been summoned (this was in the year 
1683) by Sir Benjamin Titchborn and Thomas 
Fotherly, two Justices of the Peace, the one then 
living in and the other near Rickmansworth, to 
appear before them on a certain day on account of 
the publication of his book called " A Caution to 
Constables." This summons they sent him, in order 
that they might commit him to prison till the next 
assize, and this at the special instigation of the Earl 
of Bridgewater; one of the King's Cabinet CounciL 


Just at this time Thomas Ellwood was suddenly 
sent for express by Madam Penn (as she was called), 
who then lay dangerously ill at Worminghurst, and 
whose husband was then, it may be recollected, 
in America. To have gone immediately to her, 
would have been to prevent his appearance before 
the Justices at the time fixed upon; and to have 
appeared before them at the time fixed upon, 
would have made it impossible for him to visit 
Madam Penn. in this dilemma he went to the 
Justices, to explain to them how he was situated, 
and to beg a respite of appearance. They received 
him with all the marks of anger: but when he told 
them the occasion of his coming, as now related, 
their countenances began to soften. Not only Jus- 
tice Fotherly, but Sir Benjamin Titchborn and his 
lady, who happened to be present (though great 
enemies to the Quakers), expressed deep feelings of 
regret at the illness of Madam Penn ; and all united 
in expressing their admiration of her virtues and 
her worth while she lived in their neighbourhoods 
Willing to oblige such an estimable person, they 
not only granted Thomas Ellwood his request, 
though at a time when they were rigorously enforc- 
ing the Conventicle Act ; but for her sake never 
troubled him more on the same subject. 

But the great testimony concerning her was from 
her husband. He wrote " An Account of the 
blessed End of his dear Wife, Guilelma Maria 
Penn," to which he fixed as a motto, " The Me- 
mory of the Just is blessed." The account consist- 


ed in part of certain " weighty expressions, which 
she uttered upon divers occasions, both before and 
near her end, and which he took down for his own 
and his dear children's consolation." I select the 
following passages from it : 

" At one of the many meetings," says William 
Penn, " held in her chamber, we and our children 
and one of our servants being only present ; in a 
tendering and living power she broke out as she sat 
in her chair, ' Let us all prepare, not knowing what 
hour or watch the Lord cometh, O, I am full of 
matter ! Shall we receive good, and shall we not re- 
ceive evil things at the hands of the Lord ? I have 
cast my care upon the Lord. He is the physician 
of value* My expectation is wholly from him. 
He can raise up, and he can cast down.'" 

" To a Friend aged sixty-five, that came to see 
her, she said, ' How much older (she was herself 
then fifty) has the Lord made me by this weakness 
than thou art ! But I am contented. I do not 
murmur. I submit to his holy will.'" 

" She did at several times pray very sw^eetly, and 
in all her weakness manifested the most equal, un- 
daunted, and resigned spirit, as well as in all other 
respects. She was an excelling person both as wife, 
child, mother, mistress, friend, and neighbour." 

" She called th^ children one day, when weak, 
and said, ' Be not frightened, children. I do not 
call you to take mv leave of you, but to see you j 
and I would have you walk in the fear of the Lord. 


and with his People, in his holy Truth,' or to that 

*' About three hours before her end, a relation 
taking leave of her, she said, ' I have cast my care 
upon the Lord ; my dear love to all Friends ;' and, 
lifting up her dying hands and eyes, prayed the 
Lord to preserve and bless them." 

" About an hour after, causing all to withdraw, 
we were half an hour together, in which we took 
our last leave, saying all that was fit upon that 
solemn occasion. She continued sensible, and did 
eat something about an hour before her departure, 
at which time our children and most of my family 
were present. She quietly expired in my arms, her 
head upon my bosom, with a sensible and devout 
resignation of her soul to Almighty God. I hope I 
may say she was a public as well as private loss ; 
for she was not only an excellent wife and mother, 
but an entire and constant friend, of a more than 
common capacity, and greater modesty and hu- 
mility ; yet most equal, and undaunted in danger j 
religious, as well as ingenuous, without affectation ; 
an easy mistress, and good neighbour, especially to 
the poor ; neither lavish nor penurious ; but an ex- 
ample of industry, as weli as of other virtues: 
therefore our great loss, though her own eternal 

It will be proper now to see how the Province 
and Territories went on during this period. Colo- 
nel Fletcher, who had received his Commission, 
left Nev/ York- for Philadelphia to take upon him 


the Government of these. He took with him a few 
soldiers in his retinue, a sight never before witness- 
ed in the latter city. On his arrival he summoned 
the Assembly ; but a dispute arose directly between 
him and the Council, because he had not summoned 
it in the old legal way, which, on account of the 
firmness of the latter, it took some time to adjust. 

The Assembly having been at length legally 
brought together, oaths and tests were presented to 
the members in the manner of other Governments 
under the immediate administration of the Crown. 
But here a new difficulty arose ; for, most of them 
being Quakers, they refused to be sworn. To ob- 
viate this, the Governor proposed to them to sub- 
scribe to the Declarations and Professions mention- 
ed in the Act for liberty of conscience in the first 
year of William and Mary ; but he declared to 
them at the same time, that his proposal was entire- 
ly an act of favour on his part, and that it was not 
to be drawn into precedent as a matter of right in 

This declaration of the Governor disconcerted 
them again. They had no conception, either that 
William Penn or that they themselves had forfeited 
those privileges which were in the Compact of the 
Settlement. They determined, however, in order 
that the public business might go on, to sacrifice 
their feelings for once, and to acknowledge his ac- 
ceptance of their subscription to the Declaration 
and Professions before mentioned, as an act of in- 
dulgence for the time. 


As soon as the members had become thus 
qualified for the exercise of their functions, the 
Governor communicated to them a letter, by way of 
message from the Queen, stating, that as the ex- 
pense for the protection of Albany against the 
French had become intolerably burthensome to its 
inhabitants, and as Albany was a frontier, by means 
of which several other colonies were defended, it 
was but reasonable that such colonies should assist 
the Government of New York from time to time in 
the preservation of it during the war. 

The Assembly, after having deliberated upon 
the Message, resolved upon an humble Address to 
the Governor, in which they seemed desirous of 
putting off the consideration of the subject contain- 
ed in it, respectfully beseeching him that their pro- 
cedure in legislation might be according to the 
usual method and laws of the Government of Penn- 
sylvania, founded upon the late King's letters 
patent, which they humbly conceived were yet in 
force. To this Address he replied, but in a man- 
ner so displeasing (for he threatened to annex them 
to the Government of New York), that they sent 
him a public Remonstrance through the medium of 
their Speaker. They said, among other things, 
that one of the reasons alleged for the superseding 
of William Penn was his adhering too much to 
James the Second, but that he had never been 
found guilty of the charge. Another was, that the 
administration of justice had been impeded by the 
quarrels between the Territories and the Province. 


This charge was equally unfounded. For the 
Courts of Justice were open in all the counties be- 
longing to the Government, and justice duly exe- 
cuted, from the highest crimes of treason and mur- 
der to the lowest differences about property, before 
the date of his (the Governor's) Commission. Nei- 
ther did they apprehend that the Province was in 
danger of being lost to the Crown, although the 
Government was in the hands of some whose prin- 
ciples were not for war. They conceived that his 
(the Governor's) administration, though it sus- 
pended that of William Penn, was not to be at va- 
riance with the fundamental principles of the latter. 
They acknowledged him (Fletcher) undoubtedly as 
their then lawful Governor; but they reserved to 
themselves, and to those whom they represented, 
the continuance of their just privileges and rights. 

After this the Assembly enacted several laws. 
These were sent up to the Governor and Council. 
They were detained, however, by the former uncon- 
stitutionally in point of time, to see whether the 
Assembly would vote a pecuniary supply according 
to the tenour of the Queen's letter. This unseason- 
able delay, together with other circumstances, of- 
fended the Assembly again ; so that they unani- 
mously resolved, " that all Bills sent to the Go- 
vernor and Council, in order to be amended, ought 
to be returned to this House to have their further 
approbation upon such amendments, before they 
could have their final assent to pass into laws." In 


consequence of this, the Governor returned some of 
them, with his objections, for amendment. These 
the assembly passed ; after which they voted a sup- 
ply, consisting of one penny in the pound on all Pcal 
and personal estates for one year, and six shillings 
per poll for one year upon individuals who had come 
out of servitude, or were not worth one hundred 
pounds ; ^vhich, when collected in the six counties, 
would amount to seven hundred and sixty pounds 
sixteen shillings and twopence. 

The Governor, having obtained his supply, con- 
firmed all the Bills which had been passed. He 
then dissolved the Assembly at their own request ; 
and having appointed William Markham his De- 
puty Governor, he returned to his station at New 

It must be obvious from this statement, that there 
was no great cordiality between Governor Fletcher 
and the Council and Assembly during his residence 
among them. The former, following the practice 
he had been accustomed to in the administration of 
the Government of New York, which differed from 
that of Pennsylvania, was led into a false step at the 
very first by convening the Assembly in an illegal 
manner. This produced suspicion and jealousy 
among the latter. This suspicion and this jealousy 
he awakened again, perhaps from his own ignorance 
of Quaker principles, by his attempt to introduce 
the oath among them as a qualification for legisla- 
tion. But, while they were in this unsetded state, 
he proposed to them the Queen's letter, by which 



they were to vote a pecuniary supply towards the 
defence of Albany. Here, being equally principled 
against war as against oaths, their feelings received 
another shock. They began now to be seriously 
alarmed. They had left their homes and crossed 
the Atlantic to get rid of what they considered to 
be the barbarous and corrupt customs of the Old 
World, and to start as a people upon a new system. 
But they found themselves grievously disappointed. 
Oaths, war, and taxation were now at hand. They 
thought they saw armies marching and counter- 
marching among what they had expected to be 
peaceable habitations. They thought they saw the 
Indians engaged in a contest, those very people 
whom it was the object of William Penn to bring 
from ferocious habits to the blessings of civilized 
life. With respect to the tax, as it was a funda- 
mental of their religion always to obey the existing 
Government, except where their consciences suf- 
fered, they consented to it ; but they stipulated in 
the Bill, that one half of the money raised should go 
to the maintenance of the Governor, and the other 
half as their own free present to the Crown. Such 
was the state of their minds, v/hen Governor Flet- 
cher left them, upon a view of which they could not 
help contrasting his Government with that of Wil- 
liam Penn. This served only to confirm their pre- 
judices against the former, and to elevate the cha- 
racter of the latter. Nor could this view of the 
matter operate otherwise than as a painful reproach 


upon themselves; for in a few months after Flet- 
cher, a mere stranger, had arrived, they granted 
him a provision, and they made the Crown a pre- 
sent ; while for years, even to this very time, they 
had not furnished a table for William Penn. 



J. 1694 — xvrites " An Account of the Rise and Pro- 
gress of the ^lakers'*'^ — general contents of this 
loork — also "-4 Visitation to the Jews*'* — ex- 
tracts from the?ice — publishes his " jfourney into 
Holland and Germany as performed in 1677" — 
is restored to his Government by King William'-* 
handsome manner of rvording the royal order for 
this purpose — travels in the ministry -^letter to 
John Gratton-^affairs of Pennsylvania — death 
and character of Thomas Lloyd. 

Will I AM Penn, Ix Airing been honourahly acquit* 
ted, was now at liberty to follow his inclinations 
where he pleased. His thoughts were naturally di- 
rected towards Pennsylvania. But, alas, his new 
situation among other things prevented him, at least 
for the present, from going there ! He had just lost 
his wife. His children were without a mother. He 
felt it therefore his duty to stay at home for a while, 
that he might comfort and instruct his family ; that 
he might act the part of a double parent ; and that 
he might make those arrangements, which the late 
melancholy event had rendered necessar}'' in his do- 
mestic concerns. 

Being tied down as it were to the house on this 
account, his mind ftll into employment, the result of 
which was the production of a book, which, how- 


ever, he intended only as a Preface to the Writings 
of George Fox. It contained ''^ An Account of the 
Rise and Progress of the People called Quakers, 
in which their fundamental Principles, Doctrines, 
Worship, Ministry, and Discipline, were plainly 

He gave in the first chapter of this work a history 
of the different dispensations of God to the time of 
George Fox, or to the first appearance of the Qua- 

He explained in the second their great Principle ; 
the opposition it had met with ; its progress not- 
withstanding ; and the great comfort it administered 
wherever it had been received ; hovv^ out of it threx^ 
great and fundamental doctrines sprung, which their 
preachers taught ; namely, repentance from dead 
works to serve the living God, perfection from sin 
as included in the notion of regeneration or a new 
birth, and an acknowledgment of eternal rewards • 
and punishments ; how from these, as the greater, 
other doctrines sprung, which influenced their prac- 
tice, such as the love of one another ; the love of 
their enemies ; their refusal to confirm their testi- 
mony by an oath, and to fight or engage in wars, 
and to pay ministers for preaching the Gospel of 
Christ, and to show respect to persons by flattering- 
titles or compliments of respect ; their adoption of 
plainness and simplicity in their language, their ab- 
stinence from all unnecessary words, and their re- 
jection of the heathen custom of drinking healths to 
people. He concluded with a description of their ' 


simple way of marriage, and of the manner of regis- 
tering their births and conducting their funerals, all 
of which were opposite to the pomps and vanities of 
the world. 

He explained in the third chapter what were the 
qualifications of their ministers, and the marks by 
which they might be known to be Christian. 

In the fourth chapter he explained the object and 
the manner of conducting their discipline. Its ob- 
ject was to supply the necessities of the poor; to 
take care that they who were members answered 
their high profession, not only by living peaceably, 
but by showing in all things a good example ; to in- 
quire previously as to marriages, whether the par- 
ties to be concerned in them were clear of all marri- 
age-promises or engagements to others ; to register 
births and funerals ; and to record the services and 
sufferings of those deceased members who had 
acted as faithful servants. The way of conducting 
it he described to be by Elders, and by monthly, 
quarterly, and yearly meetings, at which persons 
were deputed to attend for their respective districts. 
All members, however, whether deputed or not, 
might be present at these, and deliver their minds 
upon the points before them. At these meetings 
there was no visible head, no chairman, or chief 
manager ; but they considered Christ as their Pre- 
sident, who would always be in the midst of those 
who met together in his name. He then described 
the principle and authority upon which they pro- 
ceeded against those who had transgressed, the 


manner of such proceeding, and how the way was 
left open to them (on repentance) of restoration to 

The fifth chapter contained a history of the life of 
the founder. He drew therein a beautiful and inte- 
resting picture of his birth, parentage, early disposi- 
tion, habits, qualifications, character, troubles, suf- 
ferings, and of his death and final triumph. 

The sixth contained general exhortations, not 
only to the members of the Society, but to those 
who were yet strangers to the Quakers as a people. 
These exhortations were varied so as to suit the 
ages, conditions, and states of those to whom they 
were severally addressed. 

William Penn spent a part of his retirement with 
his family in reading. Among the books which in- 
terested him at this time was one written by John 
Tomkins. It had the following title : '^ The Har- 
mony of the Old and New Testament, and the ful- 
filling of the Prophets concerning our Lord and Sa- 
viour Jesus Christ and his Kingdom in the latter 
Days ; with a brief Concordance of the Names and 
Attributes given to Christ, and some Texts of 
Scripture collected concerning Christ's Humiliation 
and Sufferings, also his excellent Dignity and Glori- 
fication." In consequence of the perusal of this 
book he felt his mind drawn towards those unhappy 
people, who, ever since the destruction of Jerusa- 
lem, have been wandering about, carrying the marks 
of prophecy with them wherever they have gone. 
He wrote, therefore, by way of Appendix to it, a 


small pamphlet, which he called " A Visitation to 
the Jews." It consisted of a tender and compas- 
sionate address to the seed of Abraham and house 
of Israel after the flesh, wherever scattered over the 
face of the earth, with an earnest desire that the 
time of their captivity might come to an end, and 
that they, who were the natural branches broken off 
through unbelief, might come again to be ingrafted 
by faith and through the circumcision made with- 
out hands, so that the hope of the promise made to 
their fathers might be manifested among them. In 
this address he attempted to show them how ill 
founded those objections were which stood in the 
way of their conversion to the Christian religion. I 
select the following passage as a specimen of the 
manner of his argument on this occasion : 

" But if," says he* to the Jews, " you have no 
reason to deny the New Testament-writings any 
^lore than we have to deny the authority of the Old, 
in which you so firmly believe, it is as reasonable in 
us to expect you should receive the authority of the 
New, as that we should embrace the authority of 
the Old. For what have you to justify the truth of 
those writings, but the impossibility of so many 
people consenting to delude themselves, and being 
able to impose upon their posterity a fiction about 
the great and important matters of immortality? 
For the miracles recorded in the Old Testament- 
scriptures are as much above reason, and conse- 
quently as incredible to worldlv men, as the mira- 
cles recorded in the New Testament-scriptures; so 


that the authority you have for the Old Testament- 
writings is the truth and credibility of their tra- 
dition. This, we say, we also have for ours. How 
could so many men, whom you have not taxed 
with ill lives or atheistical principles, agree together 
to pat so great an imposture upon the world, as the 
penmen of the New Testament-writings must needs 
have done, if what they write were fictions ? You 
cannot deny that there was such a man as Jesus, 
and that he was put to death by your fathers, though 
pretended to be a malefactor, and that he had fol- 
lowers, and that those followers asserted and main- 
tained the doctrine of their Master. Where is 
there any confutation of what is affirmed of the 
deeds and doctrines of Jesus by his writers 
in the whole body of your antiquity, that he 
wrought none of the miracles said to be wrought by 

A third work, which he brought out at this time, 
was an Account of his Travels through Holland 
and Germany in the year 1677. Of this I shall say 
nothing, having made large extracts from it when 
I gave an account of his proceedings for that 

While he had been employed in this manner, two 
events had taken place, which it will be now proper, 
and indeed very pleasing, to relate* The first of 
these was a complete reconciliation with his own re- 
ligious Society. How this was effected is not 
known. Certain however it is, that it was brought 


to pass, and this early in the present year, and that 
after this he enjoyed a greater portion than ever of 
the friendship and esteem of its members. The 
second was his restoratio?i to the Government of 
Pennsyhania. It has been said by some, that the 
Quakers were now so warmly attached to him, that 
they had been the means, by uncommon exertions, 
of procuring for him this mark of the royal favour. 
But the assertion is not true. William Penn, soon 
after his last honourable discharge by the King and 
Council, had sent a petition to the former for this 
very purpose, which stood upon its own merits. 
King William, having received it,'took it into cqnsi* 
deration ; and the result was, that it was thought 
but just and reasonable to comply with his request. 
Accordingly an instrument was made out by the 
Royal order, and dated and signed on the twentieth 
of August, by which he was restored to his Go* 
vemment; and the way in which this instrument 
was worded was particularly creditable to William 
Penn, for it was declared therein, that the disorder 
and confusion into which the Province and Terri- 
tories had fallen (which had been the pretence for 
dispossessing him) had ^een occasioiied entirely by 
his absence from them. I may add to this, that he 
began to recover in the estimation of his country- 
men at large : for it was generally known that Fuller 
was then living in disgrace, that is, in the disgrace 
which the Resolution of Parliament and the pu- 
nishment of the pillory had brought upon himj 


Avhereas he, William Penn, after having passed 
through four fiery ordeals, had come out of them 
only to re-ascend to honour. 

Having arranged his domestic concerns, and ob- 
tained his former rank and character in society, he 
determined to visit the west of England in his capa- 
city as a minister of the Gospel. He travelled, as 
we find in the folio volume of his Life, " in the 
counties of Glocester, Somerset, Devon, and Dor- 
set, having meetings almost daily in the most con- 
siderable towns and other places in those counties, 
to which the people flocked abundantly ; and his 
testimony to the Truth, answering to that of God 
in their consciences, was assented to by many." 
This is all we can collect of his journey from this 
quarter. We have, however, a more particular 
account of his proceedings for a few days, though a 
very short one, from John Whiting. The latter in 
his Memoirs writes thus : " This year in the ninth 
month William Penn came down to Bristol, and to 
Chew, and had a great meeting at Clareham, and 
came to my house at Wrington that night with 
several other Friends. And next day we went 
with him on board the Bengal ship in Kingroad to 
dinner ; and afterwards by Westbury to Bristol on 
seventh day night, where on first day were very large 
meetings. And about two weeks after he went 
westward, and had large meetings in most of the 
great towns in our county, as also in Devonshire and 
Dorsetshire. I met him at Wells, and went with him 
to Somerton, where it was some time before we 


could get a place large enough for the meeting, the 
Market-house, where the meeting began, though 
large, not being big enough to hold it^ and at last 
we were glad to go out into the fields ; and a great 
gathering there was. I met him again at Bridge- 
water, where he had a great meeting in the Town- 
hall, as he had in most places, which the Mayors 
generally consented to for the respect they had to 
him, few places else being sufficient to hold the 
meetings. On the twenty-seventh of tenth month 
he came again to Wrington, and had a large meet- 
ing in the Court-hall (where we then kept our 
meetings), where was a Justice of the Peace and 
his wife." 

On his return from his journey he came to Lon- 
don, after which we have no further trace of him 
for the present year, except in a letter which he 
wrote from thence to John Gratton, who was an 
eminent minister of the Society, and who lived 
near Chesterfield in Derbyshire. This worthy 
man had suffered much by the spoliation of his 
goods on account of his religion. He was then a 
respectable tradesman, but stood high in the esteem 
of his neighbour, then Earl, but afterwards first 
Duke, of Devonshire. I present the following ex- 
tracts from it to the reader : 

" Dear John Gratton, 

" Thy dear and tender love I feel by thy kind 
lines, and they were to my comfort and refreshment. 
Thy name has been down in my pocket-book ever 
since I came to this city, to write to thee as one of 


my dear and choice friends, that lies and lives near 
me, with whom is my dear, near, and inward fel- 
lowship ; and that thou art low and poor, and as 
self-independent as ever, is a brave condition, and 
thou canst not say better for thyself or the greatest 
w^orthy in the flock, O dear John, I desire to dwell 
there, while I live in this tabernacle. It is my 
prayer, and much of my ministry to God's people* 
Some are convinced, but not converted j and many, 
that are converted, do not persevere : wherefore 
their oil dries up ; and Self, in Truth's form, gets up 
under specious pretences." 

" Through the Lord's great mercy and beyond 
my hopes I am yet tolerably well through hard ser- 
vice, which it has been my lot to be engaged in of 
late ; in which the Lord has abundantly answered 
me, and tender-hearted Friends and sober people of 
all sorts." 

" As yet I have not seen my own home above 
these four months. I am a poor pilgrim on the 
earth, yet my hope is established for an abiding 
place in an unchangeable world." 

" Dear John, never trouble thyself with priests. 
Let them have our books. Take two or three gross 
things from theirs, confute them, and leave the rest. 
Methinks J. R. (Sir John Rhodes, who was Grat- 
ton's neighbour, and had become a Quaker) should 
exercise himself that way, which would whet him 
up to services suitable to his condition. My love 
to him and the Doctor, (Gilbert Heathcote, who 
aad married Sir John Rhodes's sister:} I remember 



them in my prayers to the Lord, that they may 
travel on to the end, and receive the crown of 
faithfulness. So, in the Lord's love, dearly fare- 
well ! 

" Thy cordial Friend and loving Brother, 

" William Penm." 

We may now look at what passed in America du- 
ring this period. 

Colonel Fletcher, who had gone to New York 
for the winter, returned to Philadelphia in the 
spring. Having called the Assembly legally, he 
sent them a message, stating that he had received 
information '' that the five nations of Indians, who 
had been so long faithful to the English, were now 
debauched to the French interest in Canada ; that 
he was come to lay the whole affair before them, 
assuring them that their own Indians would be com- 
pelled to join the confederacy ; that in consequence 
thereof he had seen fourscore fine farms all depopu- 
lated about Albany ; that the Jerseys had done more 
for the common defence than all the other adjacent 
Provinces ; that though he respected those scruples 
which led them to refuse to carry arms or to levy 
money for war, yet he hoped they would not refuse 
to feed the hungry and clothe the naked, which they 
might do by supplying the Indian nations with such 
necessaries as might influence a continuation of 
their friendship to these Provinces ; and, lastly, that 
be was ready, as far as in him lay consistently w^ith 
the rules of loyalty and a just regard to liberty and 


property, to redress their grievances, if they had 

This message displeased the Assembly. It serv- 
ed only to recall their former fears. They consi- 
dered it as a demand for more of the public money, 
but in a new shape. They determined therefore to 
resist it, and accordingly they refused the Governor 
the supply. Several laws, however, were passed 
between this and the subsequent session, which was 
the last under Colonel Fletcher ; for, having receiv- 
ed the official letters which superseded him, in con- 
sequence of the restoration of the Government to 
William Penn, he took his final leave of them, and 
returned to his own Province. 

About this time died Thomas Lloyd, whom I 
have had occasion so often to mention in these Me- 
moirs. He died at the early age of fifty-four, greatly 
lamented by all who knew him. He was the younger 
son of a very ancient family, which possessed the 
estate of Dolobran in Montgomeryshire. He had 
received a learned education at Oxford, but after- 
wards on conviction joined the Society of the Qua- 
kers. Dr. William Lloyd, the learned and liberal- 
minded Bishop of St. Asaph, in whose diocese he 
lived, and who was afterwards translated in succes- 
sion to the sees of Litchfield and Coventry, and 
Worcester, inquired, according to his cus^tom, both 
of him and his brother Charles, when they separat- 
ed from the Church, their reasons for so doing. 
They consented to give them in public, but in no 
other way. Accordingly a religious conference took 


place at Welchpool, which lasted from two in the 
afternoon till two in the morning. It was then ad- 
journed to Llanvilling, to the Town-hall, where it 
lasted two davs. It was not a conference of dispu- 
tation, for the Bishop confined himself principally to 
the proposing of questions and to the hearing of an- 
swers. On the last day he forced Thomas Lloyd 
into no less than twenty-eight syllogisms extempore^ 
which were put down in writing as they were deli- 
vered, on the subjects of Baptism and the Lord's 
Supper. Thomas Lloyd acquitted himself so well 
on this occasion, that the Bishop greatly commend- 
ed his learning. After this he went over to Ame- 
rica, and filled, as we have seen, the office both of 
President of the Council and of Deputy Governor 
of Pennsylvania, and these with great ability and in- 
tegrity. These posts, however, he disliked, greatly 
preferring a private life : but he filled them from a 
belief, which others at length persuaded him to en- 
tertain, that he would be doing good by accepting 
them. On his death-bed, after an illness of only 
six days, he took leave of those who were near him 
in the following calm manner : " I die in unity and 
love with all faithful Friends. I have fought a good 
fight. I have kept the faith, which stands not in the 
wisdom of words, but in the power of God. I have 
sought, not for strife and contention, but for the 
grace of our Lord Jesus Christ and the simplicity of 
the Gospel. I lay down my head in peace, and de** 
sire you may all do so. Farewell." 


Colonel Fletcher having returned to New York, 
and Thomas Lloyd being dead, the Deputy Go- 
vernment of the Province and Territories was con- 
ferred upon William Markham ; for William Penn, 
on hearing of these events, sent him a Commission 
for that purpose* 




A. 1695 — writes " A Reply to a pretended Answer 
to William Penn^s Key*'* — delivers a paper to the 
House of Commons on the subject of making the 
Quakers* afirmation equal to their oath — travels 
in the ministry — is present at a religious dispute 
at Melksham — preaches at Wells — some curious 
particulars during his stay there — affairs of 

WiLjLiAM Penn employed himself in the begin- 
ning of the present year in answering a pamphlet 
which had been written against one of his own 
works that had appeared in 1692. This production 
he called *' A Reply to a pretended Answer by a 
nameless Author to William Penn's Key." I shall 
attempt no analysis of it, because its general con- 
tents may be imagined by referring to those of " the 
Key," which I have already laid before the reader. 
There is one passage, however, in it, which I shall 
transcribe. His opponent had charged him with 
prevarication in the late reign, and with having 
shown an intemperate zeal for a boundless liberty of 
conscience. To the charge he replied thus : " And 
if it be possible or worth while to reconcile him 
(my opponent) better to my conduct, let him peruse 
my " Great Case of Liberty of Conscience," print- 
ed in 1671, and my *« Letter to the States of Emb- 


den,'^ 1672, and my *^ Present State of England," 
1675, and he will find I was the same man then, 
and acted by the same principles ; not more intem- 
perate in the reign than favoured it, than in the 
reign I contended with (the preceding) that did not 
favour it. And no man but a Persecutor^ which I 
count a beast of prey^ and a declared enemy to man- 
kind^ can without great injustice or ingratitude re- 
proach that part I had in King James's Court : for I 
think I may say without vanity, upon this provoca- 
tion, I endeavoured at least to do some good at my 
own cost, and would have done more. I am very 
sure I intended, and I think I did, harm to none, 
neither parties nor private persons, my own family 
excepted ; for which I doubt not this author's par- 
don, since he shows himself so little concerned for 
the master of it." 

About this time the Quakers petitioned Parlia- 
ment for an Act to make their affirmation equal to 
their oath. William Penn was appointed to act for 
them on this occasion. U'his he did by appearing at 
the House of Commons, and by delivering there the 
following paper : 

" That the request of the people called Quakers 
may be indulged by the Members of this Honoura- 
ble House, it is humbly proposed to them to consi- 
der the nature and fulness of the security they offer; 
and, if it be found to amount to the weight and value 
of an oath, it is hoped there will be no difficulty in 
accepting it in lieu of an oath. 


" The pledge, that every man upon oath gives of 
his truth, is his soul. He means, that God should 
deal with him according to the truth of his affirma- 
tive or negative given by him in the name of God. 
Now to show that the said people do as much ; that 
is, that they pledge their souls too in their way ; that 
they mean the same caution with them that swear ; 
and are under the same reverence in their simple 
^nd solemn aye or no ; and therefore give the same 
security ; I shall beg this Honourable House to con- 
sider three things. 

" First, this people make it an article of their 
faith and practice, and a great part of their charac- 
teristic, not to swear at all. They think, whether 
mistaken or not, that the righteousness of Christi- 
anity does not need or use an oath ; so that you have 
their religion in the highest exercises of it in human 
affairs for your security. 

^' Secondly, they have often and at very dear rates 
proved to the world they mean what they say, since 
they have frequently chosen to lose their estates, and 
lie and die in gaol, rather than save the one or deli- 
ver themselves from the other by deviating from 
their principle : and since, in such cases, integrity is 
the security all aim at, it is hard to conceive which 
way any man can give a greater: nor are they so in- 
sensible as not to know that untruth in them, after 
this great indulgence, is a more aggravated crime 
than perjury in others, since they excuse themselves 
from not swearing by a profession of an exacter 
simplicity and greater strictness. 


" Lastly, they humbly hope that, being to suffer 
for untruth as for perjury, their request will not be 
uneasy, since they subject their integrity to trial 
upon the hazard of a conviction that is so much 
greater than the offence in the eye of the law would 
bear. Let them then, we pray, speak in their own 
way, and, if false, be punished in yours. And 
since this Honourable House has testified an excel- 
ling zeal to secure the rights and privileges of that 
great body they represent, these inferior members, 
with all due respect, claiming a relation to it, request 
that they may not be left exposed in theirs, but that 
by your wisdom and goodness they may be provid- 
ed for in true proportion to the exigencies they are 
under ; which will engage them in the best wishes 
for your prosperities." 

Soon after this he travelled as in the former year 
in the work of the ministry. We first trace him at 
a meeting at Henley upon Thames. From thence 
he passed into Wiltshire. While he was at Melk- 
sham, a dispute was held between John Plympton, a 
Baptist, and John Clark of Bradford on the part of 
the Quakers, in the court-yard belonging to Tho- 
mas Beaven's house. The Baptist had challenged 
the Quakers to a public conference on five subjects : 
the Universality of Grace, Baptism, the Lord's Sup- 
per, Perfection, and the Resurrection. Clark is 
said to have answered the objections of Plympton 
notably : but Plympton would not allow it ; and 
though the auditors were against him he continued 
to cavil on, and would not; be silenced^ At length 


evening coming on William Penn rose up, and, to 
use the words of a spectator, " breaking like a 
thunder-storm over his head in testimony to the 
people," who were numerous, concluded the dis- 

From Melksham he proceeded to Warminster, 
and from thence to Wrington, at both which places 
he preached to crowded meetings. 

The people of Wells being desirous of hearing 
him, he took an opportunity of going to that place. 
But here some arrangement was necessary ; for the 
Bishop was then there, and some of the Magistrates 
were unfriendly. Accordingly John Whiting, ac- 
companied by Robert Holder, went to the Bishop 
to solicit his permission to assemble the people for 
the occasion. The Bishop at this time was Richard 
Kidder, the author of that excellent work which 
appeared afterwards, " A Demonstration of the 
Messias." The Bishop asked Whiting, after the 
latter had opened his business to him, why he de- 
sired to have a meeting there, seeing there were no 
Quakers in the town. Whiting told him. To de- 
clare the Truth. He then asked what the Quakers 
had to preach more than they. Whiting replied, 
The Grace of God. The Bishop said, they preach- 
ed the Grace of God also. Whiting replied, they 
might do so now and then, but not, he apprehended, 
as the Quakers did ; that is, they did not direct 
their people to it as to that which bringeth salvation 
and hath appeared unto all men, and would teach 
them to deny ungodliness and worldly lusts, and to 


live soberly, righteously, and godly in this present 
world. Soon after this the Bishop, who conducted 
himself with much good temper, left them to do as 
they pleased. 

Finding no opposition from the Bishop, they ap- 
plied for the Market-house, as the fittest place to 
hold the auditors. They were promised the use of 
it the next day ; but when the time came they were 
forbidden to enter it ; for some of the opposite party 
in the town, who had been drinking Colonel Berk- 
ley's election-ale the day before, had turned the 
clerk of the market against them. They resolved 
therefore, with the consent of the landlord, to make 
use of the Crown Inn, where they had put up, which 
had a large room and a balcony facing the Market- 
place. Bat finding, on looking over the late Act of 
Toleration, that it was necessary to have a certificate 
that they intended to hold a religious meeting there, 
they drew up the same, and the same persons went 
with it to the Bishop as before. He received them, 
as before, in a friendly manner. John Whiting in- 
formed him of what the Act required. The Bishop 
said he would look at the Act ; and, if it really re- 
quired, he would certainly send them, a certificate. 

By this time the Market-house was full of people^ 
who had broken into it ; but John Whiting and 
others desired them to come out of it, and to place 
themselves before the balcony of the inn in the street. 
This they did to the number of between two and 
three thousand. The Quakers in the mean time 


occupied the great room in the inn. After this ar- 
rangement William Pcnn came forward to the bal- 
cony and began to preach : but in the midst of his 
discourse a constable and other officers came with a 
warrant signed by Matthew Baron, Mayor, and 
William Salmon, Justice; and, breaking through 
the people, forced their way into the great room of 
the inn, and then into the balcony, and seized Wil- 
liam Penn, whom they hurried away before the Ma- 
gistrates. These, however, did not detain him long ; 
for finding, upon examination, that the house had 
been certified by the Bishop, and that by disturbing 
a lawful assembly they had overshot their mark, 
they excused themselves as well as they could, and 
dismissed him ; *' having done just enough," says 
one of the old writerafcof his Life, " to manifest the 
keenness of their stomachs for the old work of de- 
vouring, in that they could not refrain from whet- 
ting their teeth again, after the Act of Toleration 
had blunted them." After this the Quakers hired 
a house at Wells, in which, having obtained a li- 
cence for it according to law^, William Penn preach- 
ed without further molestation, and in which seve- 
ral meetings were afterwards held by the same 

William Penn, having staid his time at Wells, 
travelled to other places in the county, holding meet- 
ings for worship almost daily as he went along ; 
when at length he proceeded to Bristol, a place 
where he had so frequently exercised his gift in the 

or V7tL'LlAJ>l PENN. 121 

same way. Here he remained some time. After 
this he went to London, and from thence made the 
best of his way to his family at Worminghiirst in 

With respect to his American affairs but little 
occurs for mention in the present year. On the 
twenty-sixth of March, Markham as Deputy Go- 
vernor issued a writ for the election of a new Pro- 
vincial Council, consisting as before of three, and of 
a new Assembly consisting of six persons, for each 
County. The Council so elected met on the twen- 
tieth of April, and the Assembly on the tenth ot 
September. At this assembly he renewed the ap- 
plication of Fletcher for more money on the ground 
of the Queen's letter. The Jj^embly took the sub- 
ject into consideration, anali^ted an assessment, 
but specified the manner of its appropriation as be- 
fore. To the Bill, however, which they passed for 
this purpose, they joined another, entitled A new 
Act of Settlement, by \vhich the Council was to con* 
sist of only two Members instead of three, and the 
Assembly of only four instead of six, for each 
County, and by which certain fundamental liberties 
were to be confirmed to' them. These Bills they 
presented to Markham for his sanction ; but, in- 
stead of giving it, he dissolved both the Council and 
the Assembly in an abrupt manner, and to the sur- 
prise not only of the Members of both, but of the 
whole Province. 




A. 1696— warri^5 a second time — loses his eldest 
son — zurites an account of his sayings and beha- 
viour during his sickness^ and of his character — 
writes also ^^ Primitive Christianity revived^^ — 
analysis of the work — also " More Work for G. 
KeitK'^ — visits the Czar of Muscovy then in Eng- 
land — impression made uppn the latter— affairs of 

WrLLiAM Penn having obtained, according to 
the custom of the fljfekers, a certificate from his 
own monthly meeti^, which was then held at 
Horsham in Sussex, that he was clear from Wl other 
engagements, went down to Bristol in the begin- 
ning of the month of March to solemnize a second 
marriage. He had long felf an extraordinary es- 
teem for Hannah, the daughter of Thomas Callow- 
hill, and grand-daughter of Dennis HoUister, both 
eminent merchants of th^t city, and both of whom 
had joined the religious S&ciety of the Quakers. It 
was with her that he entered into the union now 

But, alas, how short-lived frequently, and how 
uncertain always, are our prospects ! How nearly 
dwell together our pleasures and our pains ! But a 
few weeks after he had brought his new married 
wife home, he lost his eldest son. The latter. 


indeed, had been for some time in a decline, and 
therefore this his untimel}^ end had in all proba- 
bility been expected. But he was a youth of high 
attainments and most amiable and engaging man- 
ners. He had been looked up to with great reason 
as a child of promise. He had passed his twentieth 
year. The expectation, therefore,, of his decease, 
though it might have prepared his relatives for it, 
did not lessen the affliction of losing him. An 
event, which cut olT so much genius and virtue in 
their bloom, though consolatory in looking towards 
a future life, must have involved his family in 

William Penn had attended his son regularly in 
his illness, saving the timdBK was absent on his 
marriage, for the last thr^JPPbnths. He was his 
nurse and comforter. He received his head, when 
dying, in his own bosom, as he had done that of his 
mother, and witnessed his departing breath. And 
as of her he gave a memorial to the world, which 
embraced the interesting scenes of her last mo- 
ments ; so, with the like hallowed view, he did the 
same with respect to l^ son. This memorial, 
though it be of some len^P, I cannot withhold from 
the reader : for it shows, first, the pious way in 
which he trained up his children ; and, secondly, 
the tender manner in which he effected it ; because^ 
while he always enforced his authority as a parent,^ 
it appears that he held an eminent place in their af- 
fections. It shov/s too the pov/er of religion on the 
mind ; how even youth itself may be made capable 


of attaining the highest wisdom ; how it may be 
brought, gay and inconsiderate as it is, to a state of 
patience and resignation under suffering ; and even 
to look upon affliction, as a state which may be so 
sanctified as to be reckoned among our blessings. 
To the memorial he prefixed these words : "Sor- 
row and Joy in the Loss and End of Springett 

"My very dear child," says he, "and eldest son, 
Springett Penn, did from his childhood manifest a 
disposition to goodness, and gave me hope of a 
more than ordinary capacity ; and time satisfied me 
in both respects. For, besides a good share of 
learning and mathematical knowledge, he showed a 
judgment in the uJBSSnd application of it much 
above his years. He had the seeds of many good 
qualities rising in him, that made him beloved and 
consequently lamented ; but especially his humility, 
plainness, and truth, with a tenderness and softness 
of nature, which, if I may say it, were an improve- 
ment upon his other good qualities. But though 
these were no security against sickness and death, 
vet they went a good w^ to facilitate a due pre- 
paration for them. An(^ndeed the good ground 
that was in him showed itself vtry plainly some 
time before his illness. For more than half a year 
before it pleased the Lord to visit him with v/eak- 
ness,he grew more retired, and much disengaged 
from youthful delights, showing a remarkable ten- 
derness in meetings, even when they were silent: 
but Avhen he sav/ himself doubtful as to his re- 

or WILLIAM fENN. 125 

covery, he turned his mind and meditations more 
apparently towards the Lord, secretly, as also when 
his attendants were in the room, praying often with 
great fervency to him, and uttering very many 
thankful expressions and praises to him, in a very- 
deep and sensible manner. One day he said to us, 
*• I am resigned to what God pleaseth. He knows 
what is best. I would live, if it pleased him, that I 
might serve him ; but, O Lord, not my will, but 
thine be done !' 

" A person speaking to him of the things of this 
world, and what might please him when recovered, 
he answered, ' My eye looks another way, where 
the truest pleasure is.' When he told me he had 
rested well, and I said it |gk^ mercy to him, he 
quickly replied upon me 4|Pra serious yet sweet 
look, ^ All is mercy, dear father ; every thing is 
mercy.' Another time when I went to meeting, at 
parting he said, ' Remember me, my dear father, 
before the Lord. Though I cannot go to meetings, 
yet I have many good meetings. The Lord comes 
in upon my spirit. I have heavenly meetings v/ith 
him by myself.' 

" Not many days beflBc he died, the Lord ap= 
pearing by his holy power upon his spirit, when 
alone, at my return, asking him how he did, he told 
me, ' O, I have had a sweet time, a blessed time ! 
great enjoyments ! The power of the Lord over- 
came my soul : a sweet time indeed !' 

" And telling him bow some of the gentry, who 
had been to visit him, were gone to their games and 


sports and pleasures, and how little consideration 
the children of men had of God and their latter end, 
und how much happier he was in this weakness to 
have been otherwise educated and preserved from 
those temptations to vanity, he answered, ' It is all 
stuff, my dear father : it is sad stuff.. O that I 

might live tell them so !' ' Well, my dear child,' 

I replied, * let this be the time of thy entering into 
secret covenant with God, that, if he raise thee, 
thou wilt dedicate thy youth, strength, and life to 
him and his people and service.' He returned, 
' Father, that is not now to do, it is not now to do,' 
with great tenderness upon his spirit. 

*^ Being ever almost near him, and doing any 
thing for him he ^fltt|^d or desired, he broke out 
with much sense afl^Rove, ' My dear father, if I 
live, I will make thee amends ;' and speaking to 
him of divine enjoyments, that the eye of man saw 
not, but the soul made alive by the Spirit of Christ 
plainly felt, he, in a lively remembrance, cried out, 
* O, I had a sweet time yesterday by myself ! The 
Lord hath preserved me to this day. Blessed be 
his name ! My soul prai^s him for his mercy. O 
father, it is of the goodiiBs of the Lord that I am 
so well as I am.' Fixing his eyes upon his sister, 
he took her by the hand, saying, ' Poor Tishe, look 
to good things! Poor child, there is no comfort 
without it! One drop of the love of God is worth 
more than all the world. I know it. I have tasted 
it. I have felt as much or more of the love of God 
in this weakness than in all my life before.' At 


another time as I stood by him he looked up upon 
me, and said, ' Dear father, sit by me! I love thy 
company, and I know thou lovest mine ; and, if it be 
the Lord's will that we must part, be not troubled, 
for that will trouble me.' 

''Taking something one night in bed just before 
his going to rest, he sat up and fervently prayed 
thus: 'O Lord God! Thou, whose Son said to his 
disciples. Whatever ye ask in my name ye shall re- 
ceive, I pray thee in his name bless this to me this 
night, and give me rest, if it be thy blessed will!' 
And accordingly he had a very comfortable night, 
of which he took a thankful notice before us next 

'' And when he at one tim^fcLmore than ordinarily 
expressed a desire to live, ana entreated me to pray 
for him, he added, ' And, dear father, if the Lord 
should raise me, and enable me to serve him and 
his people, then I might travel with thee sometimes, 
and we might ease one another^' (meaning in the 
ministry). He spoke this with great modesty; 
upon which I said to him, 'My dear child, if it 
please the Lord to raise thee, I am satisfied it will 
be so ; and if not, then, inasmuch as it is thy fervent 
desire in the Lord, he will look upon thee just as if 
thou didst live to serve him, and thy comfort v/ill 
be the same. So either way it will be well : for, if 
thou should St not live, I do verily believe thou wilt 
have the recompense of thy good desires, without 
the temptations and troubles that would attend if 
long life were granted to thee.' 


" Saying one day thus, * I am resolved I will 
have such a thing done,' he immediately corrected 
himself, and fell into this reflection with much con- 
trition, * Did I say, I will ? O Lord, forgive me 
that irreverent and hasty expression! I am a poor 
weak creature, and live by Thee, and therefore I 
should have said, If it pleaseth Thee that I live, I 
intend to do so. Lord, forgive my rash expres- 
sion !' 

" Seeing my present wife ready to be helpful and 
to do any thing for him, he turned to her and said, 
* Do not thou do so. Let them do it. Don't trou- 
ble thyself so much for such a poor creature as I 
am.' And taking leave of him a few nights before 
his end, he said to ^^ 'Pray for me, dear mother! 
Thou art good and mnocent. It may be the Lord 
may hear thy prayers for me ; for I desire my 
strength again, that I may live and employ it more 
in his service.' 

" Two or three days before his departure he 
called his brother to him^and, looking awfully upon 
him, said, ' Be a good boy, and know that there is 
a God, a great and mighty God, who is a rewarder 
of the righteous, and so he is of the wicked, but 
their rewards are not the same. Have a care of 
idle people and idle company, and love good com- 
pany and good Friends, and the Lord will bless 
thee. I have seen good things for thee since my 
sickness, if thou dost but fear the Lord : and if I 
should not live (though the Lord is all-sufficient), 
remember what I say to thee, when I am dead and 


gone. Poor child, the Lord bless thee ! Come and 
kiss me !' which melted us all into great tenderness, 
but his brother more particularly. 

" Many good exhortations he gave to some of the 
servants and others that came to see him, who were 
not of our communion, as well as to those who 
were, which drew tears from their eyes. 

'^ The day but one before he died he went to take 
the air in a coach, but said at his return, ' Really, 
father, I am exceeding weak. Thou canst not 
think how weak I am.' ' My dear child,' I re- 
plied, ^ thou art weak, but God is strong, who is the 

strength of thy life.' ^ Aye, that is it,' said he, 

^ which upholdeth me.' And the day before he de- 
parted, being alone with him, he desired me to 
fasten the door, and, looking earnestly upon me, 
said, ' Dear father ! thou art a dear father ; and I 
know thy Father. Come, let us two have a little 
meeting, a private ejaculation together, now nobody 
else is here. O, my soul is sensible of the love of 
God!' And, indeed, a sweet time v/e had. It 
was like to precious ointment for his burial. 

^^ He desired, if he were not to live, that he 
might go home to die there, and we made prepara- 
tion for it, being twenty miles from my house ; and 
so much stronger was his spirit than his body, that 
he spoke of going next day, which was the morning 
he departed, and a symptom it was of his greater 
journey to his longer home. The morning he left 
us, growing more and more sensible of his extreme 
weakness, he asked me, as doubtful of himself, 


* How shall I go homer' I told him, In a coach. 
He answered, ' I am best in a coach ;' but observing 
his decay, I said, ' Why, child, thou art at home 

every where.' ' Aye,' said he, ' so I am in the 

Lord.' I took that opportunity to ask him, if I 
should remember his love to his friends at Bristol 
and London. ' Yes, yes,' said he, * my love in the 
Lord, my love to all friends in the Lord and rela- 
tions too.' He said, ' Aye, to be sure.' Being 
asked if he would have his ass's milk or eat any 
thing, he answered, ' No more outward food, but 
heavenly food is provided for me.' * 

" His time drawing on apace, he said to me, 
' My dear father, kiss me ! Thou art a dear fa- 
ther. I desire to prize it. How can I make thee 
amends ?' 

" He also called his sister, and said to her, 'Poor 
child, come and kiss me!' between whom seemed a 
tender and long parting. I sent for his brother, 
that he might kiss him too ; which he did. All 
were in tears about him. Turning his head to me, 
he said softly, ' Dear father! hast thou no hope for 
me r' I answered, ' My dear child ! I am afraid to 
hope, and I dare not despair, but am and have been 
resigned, though one of the hardest lessons I ever 
learned.' He paused awhile, and with a composed 
frame of mind he said, ' Come life, come death, I 
am resigned. O, the love of God overcomes my 
soul !' Feeling himself decline apace, and seeing 
him not able to bring up the matter that was in his 
throat, somebody fetched the Doctor ; but as soon 


as he came in he said, ' Let my father speak to the 
Doctor, and I'll go to sleep ;' which he did, and wa- 
ked no more ; breathing his last on my breast the 
tenth day of the second month, between the hours 
of nine and ten in the morning, 1696, in his one- 
and-twentieth year. 

" So ended the life of my dear child and eldest 
son, much of my comfort and hope, and one of the 
most tender and dutiful as well as ingenious and vir- 
tuous youths I knew, if I may say so of my own 
dear child, in whom I lost all that any father could 
lose in a child, since he was capable of any thing 
that became a sober young man, my friend and 
companion as well as most affectionate and dutiful 

" May this loss and end have its due weight and 
impression upon all his dear relations and friends, 
and upon those to whose hands this account may 
come, for their remembrance, and preparation for 
their great and last change, and I have my end in 
making my dear child's thus far public. 

'' William Penn." 

William Penn was but little from home during 
the present year. Indeed his domestic situation 
did not allow him. He was, however, not unem- 
ployed. One effort, the produce of his contempla- 
tive hours, appeared in the publication of ^' Primi- 
tive Christianity revived in the Faith and Practice 
of the People called Quakers, written in Testimony 
to the present Dispensation of God through them to 
the World, that Prejudices may be removed, the 


Simple informed, the Well-inclined encouraged, 
and Truth and its innocent Friends rightly repre- 
sented." This book contained a summary of the 
faith and practice of the Quakers, in which he threw 
new light upon some points which he had before 
handled. I submit to the reader the following con- 
cise analysis of its contents. 

He began by stating their grand fundamental 

principle ; namely, the Light of Christ in man. 

Its nature was divine ; that is, though in man, yet 

not of man, but of God. He quoted the evidence 

of Scripture for this principle and its various names 
— for its divinity — for the creation of all things by 

it. It produced salvation, being life as well as 

light to men. He proposed and answered three 

objections to the doctrine advanced : first, that it 
was a mere natural light ; secondly, that it lighted 
not all ; thirdly, that it was that only which was 
taught by Christ in the flesh : after which he endea- 
voured to confirm its divinity and universality still 

further. He expatiated upon the virtue of this 

principle within, as it gave discernment, as it mani- 
fested God, and as it gave light to the soul. It 

v/as the very ground of the apostolical message. 
—He answered an objection as to two lights. — 
The same objection had been anticipated and an- 
swered by the apostle John. — This principle or 
light was the same with the Spirit. — This he at- 
tempted to prove from the properties of the two 
when compared. — He illustrated the difference be- 
tween its manifestation and operation in Gospel- 


times, but not in principle. He took into consi- 
deration several other objections against it, among 
which were — that, if men had always had it, how 
came it that Gospel-truths were not known before 
Christ's coming ? — that, allowing the Jews to have 
had it, it did not follow that the Gentiles had it also 
— and that, if it were one principle, why were there 
so many shapes aim modes of religion, both hea- 
then, patriarchal, agd Christian, since the world be- 
gan ? He went into the origin of idolatry.—— 

He contended that this principle was the best anti- 
dote against it — and that it was the. only one by 
which man could know or become the image of God* 
He laid down what he conceived to be the doc- 
trine of satisfaction and justification according to 

the Scriptures. The Quakers believed in this 

doctrine as he had then explained it, but not as per- 
verted by many others. They owned Christ as 

a sacrifice and a mediator. Justification was two- 
fold ; first from guilt, and secondly from the pollu- 

tion of sin. They believed, not mystically, but 

substantially and really, the coming of Christ in the 
flesh. — This creed was no objection to a belief of 
his spiritual appearance in the soul. — Men could not 
be saved by their belief of the one without the sense 
and experience of the other ; that is, they could not 
be saved by Christ without them, while they reject- 
ed his work and power within them, giving them- 

selves up to evil ways.- The true worship of God 

consisted of the operation of the Spirit and Truth in 
the inward parts. — The true ministry proceeded 



from the same source. — The true ministers ot 
Christ were his witnesses, who spoke what they 
knew, having passed from a degenerate to a re- 
deemed state. — They were known again, because, 
having received freely, they preached freely, that is, 
without cost to their hearers. After this he spe- 
cified what customs the Quakers could not consci- 
entiously adopt, with their reftons for rejecting 
them ; but, as most of these have been mentioned 
before, it seems unnecessary to repeat them. 

About this time George Keith, who had made 
such a disturbance among the Quakers in Pennsyl- 
vania and the Territories, and who had since arriv- 
ed in England, began to have recourse to his old 
practice of fomenting disputation and strife. An- 
gry at having been disgraced by their disownment 
of him, he turned all his ill will against them. He 
had gained on his return a few adherents, and with 
these he held separate meetings at Turners'-hall in 
London, where he challenged the Quakers to dis- 
pute with him on the subject of religion. Williani 
Penn was much grieved by his conduct, and, being 
able no longer to bear it, he wrote a little book, 
which he called " More Work for George Keith." 
In the preface to it he described the man, as it was 
then said, aptly, and his restless and factious spirit ; 
and in the body of it he took pains to refute the lies 
which he then propagated, by transcribing pas- 
sages from his former works, in which the man him- 
self had vindicated the Quakers in the very points 
on which he was then condemning them. 


In this year William Penn paid a visit to the Czar 
of Muscovy, afterwards called Peter the Great, the 
founder of the Russian empire, who was then in 
England. The Czar worked at this time, as a com- 
mon shipwright, in the King's dock -yard at Dept- 
ford, in order that he might know the art of ship- 
building practically, and thus lay the foundation of 
a Russian navy. When he chose to relax for awhile, 
he went to London, where he had a large house at 
the bottom of York-buildings. Here Prince Men- 
zikoff was stationed, as well to receiv^e him as to 
accompany him when he visited the Nobility or 
when he went to Court. As it was rumoured that 
the Czar resided here, Gilbert Molleson and Tho- 
mas Story, two respectable Quakers, went and 
gained access to him, and conversed with him, by 
means of an interpreter, on the subject of their reli- 
gion. They presented him also with Barclay's Apo- 
logy, in Latin, and other books. The Czar in- 
quired, by means of the same interpreter, whether 
the books were not written by a Jesuit. He was 
also curious to know two things ; first, why the Qua- 
kers did not pay respect to great persons, when in 
their presence, by taking off their hats ; and, se- 
condly, of what use they could be in any kingdom, 
seeing they would not bear arms and fight. This 
conversation, with other particulars, having trans- 
pired, and it being afterwards understood that the 
Czar knew nothing of Latin, but only his own 
tongue and High Dutch, William Penn felt a parti- 
cular desire to see him. Accordingly^he waited upon 


him, accompanied by George Whitehead dnd others* 
He took several books with him, explanatory of 
the principles of his own Society, which had been 
translated some years before into the High Dutch 
language. These he presented to the Czar, who 
received them graciously. A conversation ensued 
between them in the same language, which William 
Penn spoke fluently. The Czar appeared to be much 
interested by it, so that the visit was satisfactory to 
both parties. Indeed he was so much impressed by 
it, that afterwards, while he was at Deptford, he 
occasionally attended the meeting of the Quakers 
there, when he conducted himself with great deco- 
rum and condescension, changing seats, and sitting 
down, and standing up, as he could best accommo- 
date others. Nor was this impression of short du- 
ration : for in the year 1712, that is, sixteen years 
afterwards, when he was at Frederickstadt in Hol- 
stein with five thousand men to assist the Danes 
against the Swedes, one of his first inquiries was, 
whether there were any Quakers in the place ; and 
being told there were, he signified his intention of 
attending one of their meetings. A meeting was 
accordingly appointed, to which he went, accompa- 
nied by Prince Menzikoff, General Dolgorucky, 
and several Dukes and great men. Soon after they 
were seated the worship began. Philip Defair, a 
Q.iaker, rose up and preached. The Muscovite 
Lords showed their respect by their silence, but 
tht-y understood nothing of what was said. To re- 
medy this, the Czar himself occasionally interpreted 


as the words were spoken ; and when the discourse 
was over, he commended it by raying, that whoever 
could live according to such doctrines would be 

We may now see what passed in America during 
the present year. Markham, it appears, called the 
Assembly on the twenty-sixth of October for the 
dispatch of business. They met accordingly; but 
one of their first acts was to send him a remon- 
strance. They had met, they said, to show their 
duty to the King ; but he, Markham, following the 
practice of Fletcher, had acted illegally in his pub- 
lic proceedings, both with respect to them and the 
other branch of the legislative body. He had re- 
fused to issue his writs for choosing members of the 
Council and Assembly on the last charteral day, and 
had moreover discouraged the people from electing 
at that time. He had convened them also contrary 
to former usage. He had ip the last session also 
dismissed them abruptly, and he had refused to 
sanction the new Act of Settlement, though it had 
been modelled and afterwards altered according to 
his wishes. They had therefore to request of him 
that he w^ould restore to them their ancient rights. 

It does not appear what reply Markham made 
to this remonstrance ; but in a short time afterward 
he sent them a letter, by means of their Speaker, 
which he had received from Governor Fletcher 
of New York, and in which he, Fletcher, requested 
more money of them for the relief of the Indians. 
They returned no answer to this 3 but instead of 
N 2 


it they requested him to pass the new Act of Settle- 
ment, and to issue out his writs for choosing a full 
number of representatives to serve in the Provincial 
Council and Assembly on the tenth day of the first 
month next, according to Charter; adding, that if 
the Proprietary (William Penn) should disapprove 
the same, then this his act should be void, and in no 
way prejudicial either to him or the people. Upon 
this a new Act of Settlement was prepared. It 
provided, among other things, that two persons only 
should be chosen out of each county as the Repre- 
sentatives of the people in Council, and four out of 
each as their Representatives in Assembly. Thus 
the Council was to consist in future of twelve in- 
stead of eighteen, and the Assembly of twenty-four 
instead of thirty-six. It provided also (seeing 
what had happened under Fletcher) that all persons 
elected to Council and Assembly, and all appointed 
to offices of state and trust, who should conscienti- 
ously scruple to take an oath, but who, when lawfully 
required, would make the declaration of their Chris- 
tian belief according to an Act passed in the first 
year of William and Mary, should be allowed to 
make their solemn affirmation in lieu thereof. It 
enacted again, that the Assembly should have power 
to prepare and propose to the Governor and Council 
all such Bills as they or the major part of them 
should at any time see needful to be passed into 
Laws, not however debarring the Governor and 
Council the same privilege ; and that the said As- 
sembly should sit upon their own adjournments. 


and continue for public purposes, until the Governor 
and Council for the time being should dismiss them* 
The Bill, containing these and other provisions, 
which conferred such new and important privileges 
upon the Assembly, having been prepared, was at 
length brought in. It was soon afterwards passed 
by Markham. The immediate consequence was, 
that the Assembly on their part passed a Bill for 
the money, which Fletcher had proposed to them 
to raise through the medium of the latter : the sum 
was three hundred pounds, but it was to be appro- 
priated entirely to the r'^lief of the distressed Indians 
who inhabited the country above Albany. 



A* 169r — publishes "^ Caution humbly offered 
about passing the Bill against Blasphemy*'^ — Bill 
is dropped^-^affairs of Pennsylvania. 

William Penn after the death of his eldest 
son took a house at Bristol, where he and his 
family now resided. We hear but little of him 
during the present year^. We know of only 
one publication, which was that of a small 
paper, and which he wrote on the following 
occasion : 

A Bill was depending in the House of Lords 
against blasphemy. William Penn was of course 
in favour of any law which had in view such a 
moral end; for, among those laws which he had es- 
tablished in Pennsylvania and the Territories there- 
unto annexed, was one against speaking profanely 
of God, Christ, the Spirit, or the Scriptures. But 
the object of this Bill was very different. It was to 
make the denial of certain ideas relative to the 

* We only know that he rode with William Edmundson on his 
way to Melksham, and with James Dickinson on his way into 
Cumberland. It was his custom, when ministers of his own 
Society came to Bristol to preach, to accompany them on horse- 
back for some miles out of the city, on their return home, or on 
their way to other places. 


Trinity, as contained in a certain formula of words, 
blasphemy. The paper therefore, which he wrote 
at this time, and which he afterwards distributed 
among the Lords for their perusal, consisted of con- 
siderations on the subject. He showed, first, from 
the incorrect wording of the Bill, that it would have 
but a partial effect, for that many thousands resid- 
ing in the kingdom might blaspheme, and yet 
escape its penalties. But he showed what was far 
more important, that, where the Bill would actually 
reach the offenders, it would open all the doors of 
Persecution, and occasion mischief to all classes of 
people, and to Churchmen and Dissenters equally. 
If the Bill were to cuiuiAin a creed, he hoped that 
this creed would be given in the terms of Scrip- 
ture, and not in the words of men's own wisdom, 
which were liable to ambiguous interpretation. 
Thus, for example, the Bill enacted, that, if any 
educated in or professing the Christian religion 
within the realm denied any of the persons in the 
holy Trinity to be God, they should be liable to a 
certain punishment ; but he had rather the Bill 
would enact (if there must be a Bill at all), that if 
any denied any of " the Three that bore record in 
Heaven" to be God, the same punishment should 
follow : for many might believe and own the 
Father, Son, and Holy Ghost to be God according 
to the holy Scriptures, and yet scruple the term 
PERSONS. Now A\ such, even Churchmen them- 
selves, might be brought by unprincipled in- 


formers under severe sufferings merely for 
words and terms, when they sincerely owned the 
substance of the doctrine which the Bill ap- 
proved. This paper is said to have made its im- 
pression upon several of those to whom it was ad- 
dressed. At any rate, the Bill was dropped in the 
same session. 

With respect to his American concerns, I may 
observe, that Markham, having called the Assem- 
bly in the present year both at the proper time and 
according to the proper form, laid before them, as 
in the preceding, a letter which he had received 
from Fletcher, the Governor of New York. 
Fletcher informed him, that the three hundred 
pounds sent to him last year had been spent in con- 
tingencies, as he called them, to feed and clothe the- 
Indians according to the vote of that session, and 
requested of the Assembly further assistance in the 
same way. The letter was accordinglv referred to 
a Committee, consisting both of the Council and 
Assembly, for their answer. The result was, that 
they thanked the Governor for his attention 
towards them in having applied the money to the 
use intended, but as to a further supply at present, 
they could not consent to it. They urged the in- 
fancy, poverty, and incumbered state of the Pro- 
vince, as reasons for not acceding to his wishes. 
At the same time they declared their readiness to 
observe the King's further commands as far as 
their abilities and their religious persuasions would 


permit. This was the substance of their public 
answer. It was obvious, however, that they began 
to view the demands of Fletcher with a suspicious 
eye. He had no sooner been armed with public 
power than he asked them for money; and, when 
he had obtained what he wanted, he asked them 
for more. Thus taxation had begun, and an ac- 
quiescence in the present demand might have btfen 
to render it permanent. They foresaw, if they did 
not immediately attempt to stem the torrent, that 
they might be involved, by means of their local 
connections, in all the evils of the old corrupt and 
military Governments, and that expense and 
misery might be entailed upon them for genera- 
tions to come. They had had a fear too, that 
their money had been used, not to supply the 
Indians with what they merely wanted, but to 
make them presents, that is, to bribe or entice 
them into a confederacy against other Indians 
engaged by the French ; thus drawing innocent 
people into the horrors of the quarrel, and buy- 
ing up blood on one side to be expended for 
blood on the other. Under these impressions, 
as v/ell as under the consideration that the colony, 
then only in an infant state, had been settled by 
persons, many of whom were but in moderate 
circumstances, and others of whom had borrowed 
capital for their adventure, they thought they 
might be excused, if they refused the appiii a- 
tion which had been made to them. They had 


an expectation also, that William Penn would 
soon occupy his former station among them in 
his own person, and they thought it not impro- 
per to suspend their decision concerning it till 
his return. 



A. 1698 — goes to Ireland as a minister of the 
Gospel — writes " The ^aker a Christian'^'* — mid 
" Gospel Truths as held by the ^laiers^^ — 
preaches at Dublin^ Lambstoxvn^ Wexford^ Water- 
ford^ Clonmel^ Cork^ and ma7iy other places — has 
his horses seized at Ross — incident and tnterviexu 
with the Bishop at Cashel — returns to Bristol — 
writes " Gospel Truths defended against the 
Bishop of Cork'^s Exceptions'^^ — goes to London to 
take leave of adventurers to Pennsylvania in the 
ship Providence — returns to Bristol — writes 
" Truth of God as professed by the People called 

William Penn began now to think seriously of 
returning to America ; but it was necessary that he 
should first settle his private affairs. He had a 
large estate in Ireland, which he had formerly 
superintended, and which he was desirous of visit- 
ing again. He felt himself also particularly called 
upon to work once more as a religious labourer in 
the vineyard there. Accordingly, taking leave of 
his family, he proceeded to Holy-head. Here he 
met by appointment Thomas Story and John 
Everott, two other ministers of the Gospel belong- 
ing to his own Society. These now joimng hini, 



they embarked in the same vessel, and pursued their 
intended course. 

When they arrived at Dublin it was the time of 
the half-yearly meeting of the Quakers. Meetings 
for worship were usually held at this season, and 
they were generally well attended, not only by 
members of the Society but by others. But when 
it was known that William Penn had arrived, and 
that he was likely to come forth among the preach- 
ers, they were more than ordinarily crowded. 
Many of the nobility and also of the clergy were 
present, and among the latter the Dean of Derry, 
who was much pleased as well as with the matter 
as the manner of his discourses. In the intervals 
of these meetings he took an opportunity of visiting 
the Lords Justices of Ireland, and several of the 
chief ministers of the Government ; thus discharg- 
ing the offices of friendship, and at the same time 
raising in their minds a good disposition towards 
those of his own religious persuasion, which might 
be serviceable to them on a future day. 

It is remarkable, while he was in Dublin, that 
John Plympton, the person whom he had silenced 
between two and three years before at a dispute at 
Melksham in Wiltshire, as then related, was there 
circulating a pamphlet called " A Quaker no Chris- 
tian." This coming to the ears of William Penn, 
he answered it by another, which he called '' The 
Quaker a Christian," and which he also circulated 
in like manner. But that he might do away the 
impression, if any ha(J been made by Plympton, he 


thought it proper to draw up a little paper to inform 
the people of Ireland what the principles of the 
Quakers were. It was entitled " Gospel Truths 
held by the People called Quakers." It contained 
eleven principles as embraced by them. It was 
signed by himself and three others. But to render 
the information still more complete, he reprinted, 
while there, the eighth and ninth chapters of his 
*' Primitive Christianity revived." 

The half-yearly meeting being over, he left Dub- 
lin in company with Thomas Story and others, and 
began his journey into the country. The first meet- 
ing he held was at Lambstown, where he preached. 
From thence he went to Wexford: here another 
meeting was gathered. From Wexford he set out 
for Waterford. He had previously given notice 
that he would hold a meeting there on the same 
day ; but at Ross, on his way thither, he was de- 
tained for some time by a curious incident. Some of 
the horses belonging to him and the company had 
been ferried over the river, while they were at din- 
ner; but the rest had been stopped and seized. The 
Irish Parliament had passed an Act, in order to 
discourage what they called the evil purposes of 
Papists, that no Papist should keep a horse of the 
value of five guineas and upwards : any Protestant 
discovering and informing against such a horse, 
might bring it to the Magistrate, and, by tendering 
him five guineas to be paid to the owner, might 
keep it afterwards as his own property. Upon this 
plea it was that they were detained; for Lieutenant 


Wallis and Cornet Montgomery, of Colonel Ec- 
clin's dragoons, choosing to suspect William Penn 
and his Friends of being Papists, in the hope of 
getting a large booty, had made the seizure; for 
which they had previously obtained, upon their 
own information, a warrant from the Mayor. The 
warrant stated that, whereas several persons, whose 
names were unknown, then in the town of Ross, 
were Papists within the construction of the late Act, 
and had in their custody several horses of the value 
of five guineas each horse ; and information having 
been given of the same, the Constables were re- 
quired to make diligent search both for the persons 
and horses, and to bring them before him (the 
Mayor) that they might be dealt with according to 
law, and the true meaning of the said Act. William 
Penn and his Friends, not knowing what had taken 
place, went after dinner to take boat ; " but as they 
were about to enter it, about half a dozen dragoons 
stepped in before them, and forced it off from the 
shore ; which William Penn observing, he went to 
some of their officers and gentlemen standing on 
the key, reasonably expecting they should so resent 
the abuse, as at least to reprove the soldiers; which 
when they neglected, it became obvious that it was 
done by their direction to prevent the passage. 
Then William Penn said to them with a suitable 
freedom and resentment, ' What ! are you gentle- 
men and officers, and will you stand here and suffer 
such insolences in your open view ?' " Soon after 
this William Penn and several other Friends passed 


the river, and taking the horses, which had been 
ferried over before the seizure, they proceeded to 
Waterford. The others staid behind to settle the 
matter about those which were in custody, which 
they recovered by taking out a replevin. It may 
not be improper to observe, that William Penn 
wrote afterwards to the Lords Justices of Ireland 
to complain of the abuse. The result was, that the 
officers were confined to their chambers. The lat- 
ter, fearing they would be broke, made application 
to Colonel Pursel, the Governor of Waterford, to 
use his interest with William Penn in their behalf. 
This the Colonel did, and " William Penn," says 
Thomas Story, " who was not a man of revenge, 
but of justice and mercy, so soon as he found their 
request was made in a due sense of their error, de* 
layed not to solicit for them accordingly; upon 
which they were released and forgiven." 

But to return. William Penn, having crossed the 
river, and availed himself of the use of one of the 
horses which had been ferried over, proceeded to 
Waterford. The delay however had been such, 
that he did not arrive there till nearly the time of 
the Meeting. Here, after a suitable opportunity of 
silence, he preached. As he had been expected, 
great multitudes were present. It was said that 
the Bishop and several of his Clergy were equally 
curious to hear him: but they did not go within 
the walls of the Meeting, satisfying themselves with 
what they could pick up of his discourse in an ad» 
joining garden. 

G 2 


After leaving Waterford he attended two Meet- 
ings at Clonmel, one at Youghall, one at Cork, and 
one at Bandon. While on this latter excursion he 
took an opportunity of visiting his estates. He 
spent however but three days upon one, and two 
upon the other ; during which he made all . the 
arrangements that seemed necessary. After this 
he paid a visit to Lord Shannon, and from thence 
returned to Cork. 

During his stay at Cork he held several Meet- 
ings, which were crowded beyond former example. 
At one of these in particular he is said to have de- 
livered himself in an extraordinary manner. Tho- 
mas Story, speaking of it in his Journal, charac- 
terizes it thus : " The Lord was mightily with him 
on that day, clothing him with majesty, holy zeal^ 
and divine wisdom, to the great satisfaction of 
Friends there, and admiration and applause of the 
people." He visited the Bishop also, who received 
him in a friendly manner. Finding him conver- 
sant with the writings of the Society, and believing 
him to be a moderate man, he presented him with 
one of those little papers, which he had published 
at Dublin, called " Gospel Truths held by the 
People called Quakers." 

Having left Cork he held two Meetings at Charle- 
ville, one at Limeric, and another at Birr. Here 
the Church-clergyman, who had attended his dis- 
course, waited upon him in the evening to compli- 
ment him upon it, and to converse with him on the 
subject of religion. From Birr he proceeded ta 


Mountmellick, Edenderry, and Lurgan; at all of 
which places he preached to large assemblies, and 
with great advantage to the character of his own 
Society; but particularly in the latter place, because 
many professors among the Sectarians, who attend- 
ed him, acknowledged that the Quakers had been 
wronged by false reports concerning their prin- 
ciples and doctrines. From Lurgan he returned to 
Dublin. Here he spent several days, during which 
he frequently renewed the exercise of his gift as a 
minister of the Gospel in that city. 

After this he travelled into the country again, 
and among other places arrived at Cashel. Being 
there on one of the days on which the Quakers 
usually held their public worship, he went to their 
place of meeting; but no sooner were the doors 
opened than it was filled. Being prevented from 
getting in so soon as some other of his Friends, he 
took his station in an adjoining room, Vi^here he 
finished some important letters. In process of time 
the Meeting began. The first who rose up to 
preach was John Vaughton: but he had not pro- 
ceeded far in his discourse when the Mayor of the 
town, accompanied by constables, appeared by the 
direction of the Bishop, and in the King's name 
ordered the congregation to disperse. Vaughton, 
*upon hearing the summons, (for the Mayor had 
made but little way into the Meeting-house,) stated 
aloud, that he with other Friends had been admitted 
into the .presence of King William before he came 
from England ; that the King had asked him, If the 



Quakers had full liberty in all his dominions to ex- 
ercise their religion without molestation ; that, not 
knowing any thing to the contrary, they had answer- 
ed, That through the good providence of God, who 
had placed him on the throne, and his own kind in- 
dulgence, they had now more liberty than before, 
for which they were thankful both to God and the 
King ; that the King said in reply, That if any dis- 
turbed the Quakers in the exercise of their religious 
liberties, and they would make him acquainted with 
it, he would provide for them therein, and protect 
them. And here, addressing himself to the Mayor, 
he said, " Thou disturbest our Meeting, and com- 
mandest us in the King's name to disperse, as if we 
were aggressors. But whether we should obey 
thee without law, or believe the King's word and 
accept of his royal protection according to law, let 
all that hear judge." After this Thomas Story 
rose, and made some pertinent remarks, which 
seemed to have irritated the Mayor, so that the 
latter attempted to press forward towards him; but 
his attention was taken off by a message from Wil- 
liam Penn in the adjoining room. It was clear that 
the Mayor did not like the errand upon which the 
Bishop had sent him; for he immediately took the 
opportunity, which this message afforded him, of 
withdrawing himself from the Meeting. William 
Penn treated him on his entrance into the adjoining 
room with all the respect due to his office* The 
result of their conversation was, that the Mayor 
was to wait upon the Bishop to solicit his patience 


Ii^lI the meeting was over, at which time William 
Penn and others would wait upon him (the Bishop) 
at his own house. This promise they performed. An 
interview afterwards took place, William Penn could 
not help expressing to the Bishop his surprise, that 
as a general liberty had been granted by law to the 
King's subjects to worship God in their own way, 
provided they conformed themselves to the law, and 
as the very Meeting they attended had been held on 
the day and in the place when and where the Qua- 
kers usually met, he (thf Bishop) should have or- 
dered the Mayor to disturb them. The Bishop 
made no hesitation in his reply. He had been, he 
said, that morning to church ; and, when there, he 
had found nobody to preach to but the Mayor, 
Churchwardens, a few Constables, and the bare 
walls, his congregation having deserted him for the 
Quakers. Chagrined at this circumstance, he had 
sent the Mayor and Constables with a message to 
them, but he owed them no ill will. Soon after this 
they parted upon seeming good terms the one with 
the other. The Bishop, however, finding afterwards 
that he had violated the Toleration- Act, wrote to 
the Earl of Galway and the other Lord Justice of 
Ireland, stating, in excuse for his conduct, that 
'' Mr. Penn and the Quakers had gathered together 
in that place, that day, such a vast multitude of peo- 
ple, and so many armed Papists, that it struck a ter- 
ror into him and the town ; and not knowing what 
might be the consequence of such an appearance, he 


had sent the Mayor and other Magistrates to dis- 
perse them.'' 

William Penn after this proceeded to Cork, 
preaching at several towns as he went along. At 
Cork also he had several meetings, as well as in the 
country round about. Here he found his friend the 
Earl of Galway, who showed him the Bishop's let- 
ter above mentioned. Having now been between 
two and three months in Ireland, and having 
preached in the Queen's county, and the counties 
of Kildare, Wicklow, Carlow, Wexford, Water- 
ford, Cork, Limeric, Kilkenny, and Tipperary, he 
and Thomas Story took their passage in the Jane of 
London, to be landed in the Bristol Channel. But 
while he was embarking he received a letter from 
the Bishop of Cork, in answer to the little paper he 
had left him, entitled " Gospel- Truths as held by 
the People called Quakers." The Bishop, it ap- 
pears, had examined the eleven articles contained in 
it, and sent his opinion in writing upon each. The 
fault he found with ^^ Gospel-Truths," though par- 
ticular, may be conveyed generally in the words of 
the Preface to his own Letter : '* The only articles," 
says he, " in which you have expressed a sufficient 
Christian belief, are your sixth, touching Justifica- 
tion, and your last, touching Government and your 
submission thereto. I wish you may always stick 
to this belief and practice ; and I heartily rejoice to 
find you acknowledge the necessity of Christ as a 
propitiation, in order to remission of sins and justi- 


fying you as sinners from guilt. 'Tis the first time 
I have heard of it among you. As to all the rest of 
your articles (I mean those which I understand), I 
must tell you, the declaration of your faith comes so 
short of what is required from people to denominate 
them Christians, that, except under each article you 
believe more than you have declared, you cannot be 
accounted Christians. For, first, in those articles 
of faith which you have thought fit to mention, you 
have set down only some little ends (1 had almost 
called them snaps) of the article : and, secondly, 
many more whole articles of the true Christian faith, 
and which are of no less import, you have entirely 
omitted, waved, or suppressed." 

William Penn was not a little disturbed at this 
letter : but he had now no time to answer it, being 
then on board ; and therefore he put it into his 
pocket, with a view of replying to it at a future 
time. In a day or two after this he and Thomas 
Story were landed at Minehead, from whence they 
proceeded to Bristol. His first employment after 
his arrival at home was to write " A Defence of 
a Paper called Gospel-Truths against the Excep- 
tions of the Bishop of Cork's Testimony." He was 
more than five weeks in composing it. Thomas 
Story transcribed it for him. It elucidated more 
and more the principles embraced by those of his 
own religious profession. 

In about six weeks after the publication of this, 
William Penn went to London, and from thence to 
Deptford, to take leave of se'veral Friends who were 


going out as adventurers on board the Providence, 
of London, Captain Cant, for Pennsylvania. Among 
these was Thomas Story himself. The latter had 
for some time felt a growing desire of being useful 
there. He was a man of an uncommonly clear un- 
derstanding, and of considerable knowledge, as it 
related to the English law. On this latter account 
William Penn, who had besides a great regard for 
him as a man, and for his talents as a minister, had 
in some nSeasure encouraged the inclination he had 
manifested for the voyage. It appears that, before 
sailing, they held a religious meeting in the great 
cabin, where William Penn broke out into prayer 
*' for the good and preservation of all, and especially 
of those who were going to leave their native coun- 
try ; with thanksgiving also for the favours of God, 
and for that holy and precious opportunity of their 
then spiritual enjoyment, as an addition to his many- 
former blessings." 

On his return to Bristol he wrote " The Truth 
of God, as held by the People called Quakers, be- 
ing a short Vindication of them from the Abuses 
and Misrepresentations put upon them by envious 
Apostates and mercenary Adversaries." Tliis work 
he was induced to undertake in consequence of the 
mistakes which even yet prevailed respecting the 
tenets of the Society. It was in fact a yet further 
elucidation to the elucidation just before given to 
the public in his Answer to the Bishop of Cork. It 
treated further concerning God — Jesus Christ — the 
Holy Scriptures — Baptism — the breaking of Bread 


— the Light of Christ — the Father, Word, and Spi- 
rit — Works — Christ as our Example — Freedom 
from Sin — Worship to God— -God and Christ as in 
Man — Christ coming both in Flesh and Spirit — the 
Resurrection — Separation — Magistracy. 

With respect to Pennsylvania, things are said to 
have gone on well for this year. We find, however, 
a Proclamation by the Deputy Governor, Mark- 
ham, against illegal trade, the harbouring of pirates, 
and the growth of vice. It appears, however, to 
have been issued, not because these or other wicked 
practices in particular prevailed, but because they 
had been spoken of in England as prevailing there ; 
and therefore it was thought proper to let the inha- 
bitants both of the Province and Territories know 
what had been reported against them, that they 
might be particularly on their guard in these respects 
in future. As to illegal trade, or the harbouring of 
pirates, no legal regulation was thought necessary in 
consequence of the Proclamation, because neither 
of the evils was said to exist ; but as to vice, which 
prevails more or less in all societies, it was proper to 
do something : and therefore, in conformity with 
the said Proclamation, the Magistrates were in- 
structed by the Deputy Governor, by way of pre- 
ventive, to curtail the number of ordinary or inn- 
keepers, and to licence those only upon whose good 
conduct they thought they could depend. 

VOL. !!• 



A. 1699 — religious dispute at West Dereham be- 
tween the Quakers and the Norfolk clergy — 
writes a paper against " A brief Dicovery^'* the 
production of the latter — also " A just Censure of 
Francis Bugg^s Address'''^ — prepares for a voyage 
to America — draws up " Advice to his Children 
for their civil and religious Conduct^"^ — also^ on 
embarking^ ** A Letter to the People of God called 
^uaierSy ivherever scattered or gathered"*"^ — ar- 
rives in the Delaware — incidents there-'-^yelloxv 
fever — proceeds to Philadelphia — Tisits in the 
country — anecdote related of him while at Merion 
'■'^meets the Assembly — passes Bills against pira- 
cy and illicit trade — extreme severity of the 

In the beginning of the present yeai^ a public dis- 
pute was held at West Dereham in Norfolk, be- 
tween some clergymen of the Established Church 
and a like number of Quakers, relative to certain 
doctrines in religion. The former, it appears, did 
tiot carry their point, at least with the auditors ; the 
consequence of which was, that many of the clergy 
of the county made a common cause of it, and that 
some of the most able of them produced a pamph- 
let, called " A brief Discovery," in which they laid 
open what they supposed to be the mischievous er- 


rors of the Quakers, both as they related to their 
principles and practice. In no book had the Qua- 
kers been more misrepresented or calumniated than 
in this, and in no one was a worse intention mani- 
fested towards them ; for its tendency was to set 
aside the indulgence which the Toleration- Act had 
given to them among others ; and in order that it 
might make an impression to this end, it was pre- 
sented formally to the King and Parliament. 

William Penn did not think it necessary to make 
an especial reply to this pamphlet, having in the 
course of his works answered the contents of it over 
and over again ; but to counteract its effects he cir- 
culated a small paper among the Lords and Com- 
mons, in the name of the Society, of which the fol- 
lowing is a copy : 

" It does not surprise us to be evilly intreated, 
atid especially by thos6 who have an interest in do- 
ing it : but if conscience prevailed more th.^n con- 
tention, and charity over-ruled prejudice, we might 
hope for fairer quarter from our adversaries. 

" But such is our unhappiness, that nothing le ss 
will satisfy them than breaking in upon the indul- 
gence which we enjoy, if they could persuade the 
Government to second their attempts to a new per- 
secution ; in order to which we perceive they hax^e 
been hard at work to pervert our books, violate ouT 
sense, abuse our practice, a-nd ridicule our persons ; 
knowing very well with whom they have to m, and 
that the patience of our profession is their security 
in abusing it. 


" However, if it has weight enough with our su- 
periors to make them expect a fresh defence of our 
principles and practices, we shall, with God's assis- 
tance, be ready for their satisfaction once more to 
justify both against the insults of our restless adver- 
saries, who otherwise, we take leave to say, would 
not deserve our notice ; since we have already re- 
peatedly answered their objections in print, and 
think it our duty, as well as wisdom, to use the li- 
berty the Government has favoured us with, in as 
peaceable and inoffensive a manner as may be. 

" William Penn." 

He wrote, besides the above, " A just Censure 
of Francis Bugg's Address to the Parliament 
against the Quakers." 

At this time William Penn was preparing to de- 
part for his Government in Pennsylvania. It may 
be remembered, when he went his first voyage, 
that he left his family behind him, and that he 
left behind him also a beautiful letter to his wife 
and children. On the present occasion he deter- 
mined to take his wife and family with him ; not- 
withstanding which he thought it right tp com- 
pose an address, v/hich he called " Advice to his 
Children for their civil and religious Conduct." He 
was aware that death might arrest him in his course ; 
and therefore, in case of such an event, he deter- 
mined that they, his children, should know, when 
he was dead^ what his mind would have been as to 
their conduct on a great variety of occasions, had 


he been living. This address is a small volume of 
itself. Even an analysis of it would be too long for 
insertion here. Some idea however may be formed 
of it by stating, that it breathes the spirit, and con- 
tains many of the sentiments, of the first beautiful 
letter just mentioned, and that now and then we dis- 
cover in it thoughts similar to some of those in his 
" Fruits of Solitude," which was a collection, as the 
reader will remember, of reflections and maxims, 
the result of his own experience, for the conduct of 
human life. 

Having written this his advice, and prepared all 
other matters, he and his family proceeded to Cowes 
in the Isle of Wight, where they embarked. Here, 
before the ship sailed, he wrote a farewell letter to 
the members of his own religious Society, as he had 
done in his former voyage when lying in the Downs. 
It was called " A Letter to the People of God call- 
ed Quakers, wherever scattered or gathered, in 
England, Ireland, Scotland, Holland, Germany, or 
in any other Part of Europe." The tenour of it 
was like that of the former, exhorting them to watch 
for their daily preservation, to turn their minds in- 
ward and there wait to feel their Redeemer, and to 
keep up the true fear and love of God ; without 
v/hich they would decay and wither. 

After a tedious passage of nearly three months 
he arrived in the River Delaware on the last day of 
November. Just about this time a most horrible 
distemper, called then the Yellow Fever, had ceas- 
ed. This distemper had been very fatal in several 


of the West- India Islands some years before. The- 
mas Story, whom I mentioned in the last chapter to 
have gone to Pennsylvania the preceding year, wit- 
nessed its rise and progress there. He says in his 
Journal, that " while he was in Philadelphia six, se- 
ven, and eight a day were taken off for several 
weeks together." In describing the effect it had 
upon the minds of those who beheld its progress, he 
speaks thus : " Great was the majesty and the hand 
of the Lord. Great was the fear that fell upon all 
flesh. I saw no lofty nor airy countenance, nor 
heard any vain jesting to move men to laughter ; 
nor witty repartee to raise mirth ; nor extravagant 
feasting to excite the lusts and desires of the flesh 
above measure : but every face gathered paleness, 
and many hearts were humbled, and countenances 
fallen and sunk, as of those who waited every mo- 
ment to be summoned to the bar, and numbered to 
the grave." 

I have been induced to make this digression on 
this particular subject, because the yellow fever has 
generally been considered as having originally 
sprung, and this of late years, from Africa, and as 
having been imported from thence to our West In- 
dies, and afterwards from thence to America. But 
the foregoing account falsifies such an idea^ and 
fixes it to its proper latitudes. It may not be unim- 
portant, in the future consideration of this distem- 
per, to view it as one of long standing, and as be- 
longing to those climates where its awful visitation^ 
have been so severely felt. 


Bat to return. William Penn arrived in the 
River Delaware. By the time he had sailed past 
Chichester it began to be evening, and, meaning to 
sleep that night on shore, he ordered out his barge. 
Having landed, he proceeded to the house of Lydia 
Wade, near Chester. Here he found Thomas 
Story and some other of his Friends, with whom he 
spent the evening. It is said their conversation 
during this time was chiefly on the affairs of the 

The next morning he went over the creek in a 
boat to Chester, *^ and, as he landed, some young 
men officiously, and contrary to the express orders 
of some of the Magistrates, fired two small sea- 
pieces of cannon, and being ambitious of making 
three out of two, by firing one twice, one of them, 
darting in a cartridge of powder before the piece 
v/as sponged, had his left hand and arm shot to 
pieces ; upon which, a surgeon being sent for, an 
amputation took place." 

Having just seen and spoken to his old friends at 
Chester, he returned to the ship, when, weighing 
anchor, he and his family were conveyed straight to 
Philadelphia. On his arrival there the inhabitants 
were ready to gather round him. They received 
him with the marks of universal joy ; nor was this 
joy allayed by any cruel accident as in the former 
case, every precaution having been taken, since the 
news of what had happened at Chester reached 
Philadelphia, to prevent a similar calamity there. 
On the other hand, it was increased by the belief 


that it was the intention of the Governor^ as he had 
frequently expressed in his letters, to fix his resi- 
dence among them during the remainder of his life. 
His first object after his arrival at Philadelphia 
was to call the Assembly. For this purpose he 
issued his writs; but, as certain previous notice was 
required by law, he could not bring them together 
so speedily as he wished. In the mean time he 
went about, notwithstanding the extraordinary 
severity of the weather, wherever he thought his 
presence would be looked for, or useful. We find 
him accordingly at one time at the quarter-sessions 
of the peace at Chester ; at another at the marriage 
of Samuel Jenings's two daughters at Burlington ; 
at another at a youth's meeting there ; and at 
another at a general meeting of the Welsh Quakers 
at Haverfordwest. While he was at the latter 
place, he left it to sleep one night at Merion. Here 
happened what is related of him by Sutcliff in his 
late publication, entitled "Travels in some Parts of 
North America in the Years 1804, 1805, and 
1 806 ;" an anecdote which ought not to be passed 
over. " A boy, about twelve years old, son of the 
person at whose house he lodged, being a lad of cu- 
riosity, and not often seeing such a guest as Wil- 
liam Penn, privately crept to the chamber-door up 
a flight of steps on the outside of the building. On 
peeping through the latchet-hole he was struck with 
awe in beholding this great man upon his knees by 
the bed-side, and in hearing what he said, for he 


could distinctly hear him in prayer, and in thanks- 
giving that he was then provided for in the wilder- 
ness. This circumstance made an impression upon 
the lad's mind, which was not effaced in old age." 
I may remark, that during these and other excur- 
sions at this time the cold was intense. It rained 
frequently and froze at the same time, so that the 
fields are described to have been *' as cakes of ice, 
and the trees of the woods as if candied." In going 
over to Burlington, to Samuel Jenings's as before 
mentioned, the passage was very dangerous, the ice 
drifting down in large columns. This occasioned 
his detention there three days, it being impossible 
till after that time to repass the river. 

At length the Assembly met. The Governor in 
his address to them stated, that he was sorry that he 
had felt himself obliged to call them together at this 
inclement season, seeing that the general business 
of the Province and Territories did not particularly 
require their attendance ; but it was necessary for 
his own reputation, and that of the Assembly, that 
two Bills should be immediately passed, one for the 
discouragement of piracy, and the other for the pre- 
vention of illicit trade. He represented to them 
the odium which the Pennsylvanians had incurred 
in England on account of a notion that such mal- 
practices existed among them j and added the ob- 
ligation he was under to his superiors to see the 
same correc ed as soon as he had the power of Go- 
vernment in his own hands. 


Upon this address the subject was taken into 
consideration. Two Bills were accordingly drawn 
up, and which, after many alterations and additions^ 
were passed into Laws. It is a curious circum- 
stance, that a clause was added to that for dis- 
couraging piracy, forbidding all trade from the 
Province and Territories to Madagascar ; but a 
belief obtained with the Government of England at 
this time, that individual pirates concealed them- 
selves in different parts of the New Settlements in 
America, and that it was the intention of these to 
remove their trade and magazines, and to form a 
junction and to establish a colony of freebooters in 
that island. It is also remarkable, when Markham 
stated publicly, in the preceding year, that no 
pirates had found their way to the Province or 
Territories, yet that very soon after William PennV 
arrival two persons were put to gaol on suspicion of 
having been concerned as such, and another was 
admitted to bail on the same account, who proved 
to be the son-in-law of Markham himself, louring 
this session, which held nearly sixteen days, little 
else was done than the consideration and framing 
of these Bills. One or two vacant offices were 
fllkd, and certain salaries regulated. The cold 
indeed was so intense, that the health of the mem- 
bers would have suffered, had it continued longer. 
They could not pass about as usual, nor keep them- 
selves warm during their sittings. At one time, 
after they had met to forward the public business, 
they were obliged to adjourn entirely for the 


latter cause. Very few notwithstanding absent- 
ed themselves, and frequently all were present. 
As soon, however, as the two Bills were finished, 
they broke up, and returned to their respective 



J. 1700 — proposes and carries in his ozun monthly 
meeting Resolutions relative to Indians and 
Negro slaves — removes obstructions and nui- 
sances in the city — calls the Assembly — proceed- 
ings of the same — visits and receives Indians — 
travels in the ministry through the Province and 
Territories^ and in the Jerseys and Maryland — 
anecdotes of him xvhile on this excursion — calls a 
new Assembly at Newcastle — substance of his 
speech to them — proceedings of the same — their 
dissentions — these allayed by his xuisdom and 
justice — particulars relative to their rules and 

William Penn, having passed his Bills against 
piracy and illicit trade, retired to his mansion at 
PennsV^ury, which was then as well as afterwards 
the place of his general residence. There were two 
objects which at this time particularly occupied his 
attention* there. He had already interested him- 
self in one of them during his first residence in 
America, namely, the instruction and civilization 
of the Indians. He was now desirous of resuming 
it, and also of taking into consideration the other, 
which related to the condition of African or Negro 


I must observe on the latter subject, that soon 
after the colony had been planted, that is, in the 
year 1682, when William Penn was first resident in 
it, some few Africans had been imported, but that 
more had followed. At this time the traffic in 
slaves was not branded with infamy as at the 
present day. It was considered, on the other 
hand, as favourable to both parties : to the Ameri- 
can planters, because they had but few labourers in 
comparison with the extent of their lands ; and to 
the poor Africans themselves, because they were 
looked upon as persons redeemed out of supersti- 
tion, idolatr\^, and heathenism. But though the 
purchase and sale of them had been admitted with 
less caution upon this principle, there were not 
wanting among the Quakers of Pennsylvania those 
who, soon after the introduction of them there, 
began to question the moral licitness of the traffic. 
Accordingly, at the yearly meeting for Pennsylva- 
nia, held in 1688, it had been resolved, on the sug- 
gestion of emigrants from Crisheim who had adopt- 
ed the principles of William Penn, that the buying, 
selling, and holding men in slavery was inconsistent 
with the tenets of the Christian religion. In 1696 
a similar Resolution had been passed at the yearly 
meeting of the same religious Society for the same 
province. In consequence then of these noble 
Resolutions, the Quakers had begun to treat their 
slaves in a manner different from that of other 
people. They had begun to consider them as the 
children of the same great Parent, to whom ;frater- 



nal offices were due ; and hence, in 1 693, there were 
instances where they had admitted them into their 
meeting-houses to ^ worship in common with them- 

William Penn was highly gratified by the consi- 
deration of what had been done on this important 
subject. From the very first introduction of en- 

* I cannot help copying into a note an anecdote from Thomas 
Stone's Journal for this year. ** On the thirteenth," says he, 
** we had a pretty large meeting, where several were tendered, 
among which were some Negroes. And here I shall observe, 
that Thomas Simons having several Negroes, one of them, as 
also several belonging to Henry White, had of late come to 
meeting^s, and, having a sense of Truth, several others thereaway 
were likewise convinced, and like to do well. And the morn- 
ing that we came from Thomas Simon's, my companion 
speaking some words of Truth to his Negro -woman, she was 
tendered, and as I passed on horseback by the place where she 
stood weeping, I gave her my hand, and then she was much 
more broken ; and finding the day of the Lord's tender visitation 
and mercy upon her, I spake encouragingly to her, and was glad 
to find the poor Blacks so near the Truth and reachable. She 
stood there looking after us, and weeping, as long as w^e could 
see her. I had inquired of one of the black men, how long they 
had come to meetings ; and he said, ♦ they had always been kept 
in ignorance, and disregarded as persons who were not to expect 
any thing from the Loi-d, till Jonathan Taylor, who had been 
there the year before, discoursing with them, had informed them 
that the grace of God through Christ was given also to them ; 
and that they ought to believe in and be led and taught by it, and 
so might come to be good Friends, and saved as well as others. 
And. on the next occasion, which was when William EUis and 
Aaron Atkinson were there, they went to meetings, and several 
of them were convinced ' Thus one planteth, and another wa- 
toreth, but God giveth the increase." 


slaved Africans into his province he had been soli- 
citous about their temporal and eternal welfare. He 
had always considered them as persons of the like 
nature with himself, as having the same desire of 
pleasure and the same aversion from pain, as chil- 
dren of the same F'ather, and heirs of the same pro- 
mises. Knowing how naturally the human heart 
became corrupted and hardened by the use of power, 
he was fearful lest in time these friendless strangers 
should become an oppressed people. Accordingly, 
as his predecessor George Fox, when he first visited 
the British West India islands, exhorted all those, 
who attended his meetings for worship there to con- 
sider their slaves as branches of their own families, 
for whose spiritual instruction they would one day 
or other be required to give an account, so William 
Penn had, on his first arrival in America, inculca- 
ted the same notion. It lay therefore now upon his 
mind to endeavour to bring into practice what had 
appeared to him to be right in principle. To accom- 
plish this, there were two ways. One of them was, 
to try to incorporate the treatment of slaves as a 
matter of Christian duty, into the discipline of his 
own religious Society ; and the other, to secure it 
among others in the colony of a different religious 
description, by a legislative act. Both of these 
were necessary. The fgrmer, however, he resolved 
to attempt first. The Society itself had already af- 
forded him a precedent by its Resolutions in 1688 
and in 1696, as before mentioned, and had thereby 
done something material in the progress of the 


work. It was only to get a minute passed upon 
their books to the intended effect. Accordingly, at 
the very first monthly meeting of the Society, which 
took place in Philadelphia in the present year, he 
proposed the subject. He laid before them the 
concern which had been so long upon his mind, re- 
lative to these unfortunate people. He pressed upon 
them the duty of allowing them as frequently as pos- 
sible to attend their meetings for worship, and the 
benefit that would accrue to both by the instruction 
of them in the principles of the Christian religion; 
^^The result was, that a meeting was appointed more 
particularly for the Negroes once every month ; so 
that, besides the common opportunities they had of 
toUecting religious knowledge by frequenting the 
places of worship, there was one day in the month, 
in which, as far as the influence of the monthly 
meeting extended, they could neither be temporally, 
nor spiritually, over-looked. At this meeting also 
he proposed means, which were acceded to, for a 
more frequent intercourse between Friends and the 
Indians ; he (William Penn) taking upon himself 
the charge of procuring interpreters, as well as of 
forwarding the means proposed. 

Among the objects which occupied his attention 
at this time, was the improvement of Philadelphia. 
When he left that city after his first voyage it con- 
tained about a hundred houses. At this time they 
amounted to seven hundred. He issued an Order 
of Council for removing all the slaughter-houses to 
the bank of the river, so that the filth proceeding 


from thence might be constantly washed away by 
the current. He removed also every thing in the 
way of obstruction. By the first measure he c<^n- 
sulted the health and cleanliness, and by the latter 
the convenience, of the inhabitants. 

Having called the Assembly together according 
to due form on the tenth of May, he sent them a 
message. Understanding that several of them were 
dissatisfied with the Charter which had been grant- 
ed to them by Markham in 1696, he was desirous, 
he said, that they should have a new one, more con- 
genial to their own minds and circumstances. He 
accordingly sent to inform them, that " he was 
ready to propose to them a new form of Govern- 
ment." This he chose to make the first Act of the 
Session, not only because he wished to show the 
Assembly how far he regarded their interests and 
those of the other inhabitants of the Province and 
Territories, but because, by starting the subject thus 
early, both he and they would have longer time to 
consider it, and to make such alterations as would 
contribute towards its greater perfection. • 

On the first of June he attempted to realize the 
other part of his plan as it related to Negro slaves, 
which was to secure a proper treatment of them 
among all descriptions of people by a legislative act. 
By this time he had fully considered the subject. 
He was aware that the sudden manumission of them 
would not be attended with happy consequences 
even to themselves. Certain previous education 
would be necessary ; and that species of education 



would be best, which would most improve their mo- 
ral condition. To improve their moral condition, 
recourse must be had to moral means. Thus, for 
example, marriage might be made a moral mean ; 
but then all polygamy must be abolished, and all 
power of adultery prevented, as far as possible, both 
on the part of blacks and whites. Rewards again 
might be used advantageously to the same end ; 
but then the evil-doer was not to escape punishment. 
Hence punishment would be necessary. This, how- 
ever, ought to be proportioned to men's knowledge 
of good and evil, and the nature of the offence. 
Fair trials should be afforded to the offender also. 
Upon these principles he drew up a Bill " for regu- 
lating Negroes in their morals and marriages,'' 
which he proposed to the Assembly on the day now 
mentioned. He sent in afterwards another for the 
"regulation of their trials and punishments ;" and on 
the fourth of June a third " for preventing abuses 
upon the Indians." But he had no sooner proposed 
these, than his feelings received as it were a convul- 
sive shock. Can it be believed, that the Assembly 
could be so little studious of gratifying the wishes of 
their Governor, who had half ruined himself for 
them and the Province, could be so ignorant that 
these his proposals were built on the laws of Na- 
ture which were immutable, or so ungrateful to 
^od, who had furnished them when in affliction 
themselves with an asylum under so honourable a 
protector, as to have negatived two of these Bills, 
acceding only to that which related to the trial and 


punishment of their slaves? Yet so it was. This 
conduct on the part of the Assembly must appear 
unaccountable to the reader ; and to help him to un- 
ravel it we have nothing but conjecture. We have 
no reason assigned for it. Nor is there any record 
but of the fact itself. With respect to conjecture, 
there are circumstances, however, which, when 
thrown together, may produce us a little light. In 
the first place, the administration of Fletcher had 
very much soured the temper both of the Assembly 
and the inhabitants, and had disposed them to look 
cautiously at every proposal which came from the 
Government, and rather to resist than promote it. 
The jealousies, again, which were mentioned to 
have arisen between the inha'^itants of the Province 
and those of the Territories, were in full force at 
this moment, so that what the Representatives of 
the former seemed very anxious to carry, those of 
the latter sometimes (and this merely out of a spirit 
of opposition) negatived to a man. Now it must 
be observed that, the Territory-men being principal- 
ly Swedes and Dutchmen, very few if any of their 
members were Quakers. It must be observed also, 
that though originally the Members for the Pro- 
vince were mostly Quakers, yet the proportion of 
these, in consequence of the great influx of people 
of a different description into Pennsylvania in the 
last five or six years, had been reduced. It must 
be observed again, that the last comers were not 
men of such high moral character as the first ; for 
whereas, before the Toleration Act, they who came 


to these parts were principally religious persons 
who canne to seek a place of refuge from persecu- 
tion ; numbers after the said Act flocked to it from 
a different motive, namely, solely that of getting 
money. Hence, not only the population of Penn- 
sylvania, but they who represented it, were some- 
what degenerate in comparison of their predeces- 
sors. Had the majority consisted of Quakers, both 
these Bills must have passed ; for it is impossible 
that they could have refused to sanction in their le* 
gislative, what they had determined upon as essen- 
tially necessary in their religious capacity. Besides, 
the Council of William Penn consisted wholly of 
Quakers. Now all these had joined the Governor 
in proposing to the Assembly the Bills in question. 

It is not necessary to specify the other Bills which 
were proposed in the present session. It may be 
sufficient to observe, that they were principally of a 
local nature, such as related to property, land, reve- 
nue, or commerce, and that they were all passed. In 
considering and passing them the Assembly were 
occupied about a month. They met, as I before 
mentioned, on the tenth of May, and the Governor 
dissolved them on the eighth of June. 

William Penn, being now loosed from his attend- 
ance upon the Legislature (for he was almost daily 
confined to the Council-chamber, while it was sit- 
ting, to receive bills and messages, and to hold con- 
ferences), became once more a free man. Upon 
this he left Philadelphia, and repaired to Pennsbury. 
While here, one of his first objects was to put in 


force the Resolution, entered upon the book of the 
Monthly Meeting of Philadelphia, of keeping up i, 
more frequent intercourse between Friends and the 
Indians. Accordingly he made excursions into the 
country for this purpose. We hear of him, very 
soon after the Assembly had been dissolved, at an 
Indian feast. It took place near a beautiful spring 
of water, which was overhung by the branches of 
lofty trees. Several bucks were killed. Hot cakes 
were served up also of wheat and beans. After 
feasting, some of the Indians danced. With the 
same view, he was desirous of seeing the Indians in 
turn at his own house. Hence Kings and Queens, 
with their followers, paid their visits to him. When 
they came on public business or in state, he received 
them in his hall of audience, which was a large room 
built for the purpose, and in which was placed an 
oaken arm-chair, in which he usually,. $at when he 
conferred with them on such occasions. It may be 
observed, that he made a treaty about this time with 
the Susquehannah and other Indians. 

While at Pennsbury he undertook a journey 
through the Province and Territories as a minister 
of the Gospel. Among the places he visited in this 
capacity was Haverford. An anecdote is recorded 
of him while going there, which is worth relating. 
A little girl, of the name of Rebecca Wood, was 
walking from Derby, where she resided, to the same 
place, and also to attend the meeting there. It hap- 
penned that William Penn, vvho was on horseback, 
overtook her. " On commg up with her," says 


Sutcllff, " he inquired where she was going ? ani, 
on informing him, he, with his usual good nature, 
desired her to get up behind him ; and, bringing his 
horse to a convenient place, she mounted, and so 
rode away upon the bare back. Being without shoes 
or stockings^ her bare legs and feet hung dangling 
by the side of the Governor's horse. Although 
William Penn was at this time both Governor and 
Proprietary, he did not think it beneath him thus to 
help along a poor bare-footed girl on her way to 

It appears also, while he was at Pennsbury, that 
he travelled to other meetings of the Society, which 
were out of the limits of his own province. Thus 
we find him preaching in the Jerseys. Thus we 
find him also at a meeting in Maryland. Of this 
John Richardson, in his Travels, gives us the fol- 
lowing accoufU : " We were," says he, " at a yearly 
meeting atTreddhaven, in Maryland, upon the east- 
ern shore, to which meeting for worship came Wil- 
liam Penn, Lord Baltimore, and his lady, with their 
retinue ; but it was late when they canae, and the 
strength and glory of the heavenly power of the 
Lord was going off from the meeting ; so the lady 
was much disappointed, as I understood by William 
Penn, for she told him, ' she did not want to hear 
him, and such as he, for he was a scholar and a wise 
man, and she did not question but he could preach ; 
but she wanted to hear some of our mechanics 
preach, as husbandmen, shoemakers, and such like 
rustics, for she thought they could not preach to any 


purpose.' William Penn told her, * some of these 
were rather the best preachers we had among us,' 
or near these words. I was a litde in their com- 
pany, and I thought the lady to be a notable, wise, 
and withal a courteously carriaged woman." I may 
observe here, that these excursions in the ministry, 
together with others which he undertook into the 
Indian country as before mentioned, and to which I 
may now add those which he made to support the 
Magistracy by his personal appearance among them, 
both at the quarter sessions and elsewhere, took up 
a considerable portion of his time, so that it is 
doubtful whether he was not less at Pennsbury with 
his family than in other places. 

Writs having been issued, and a new Assembly 
chosen (for the old had served their year, as limited 
by the Charter), he summoned the new members to 
attend him at Newcastle on the fourteenth of Octo- 
ber. The former had met him at Philadelphia, the 
capital of the Province. He thought it therefore 
but fair, and as showing but a proper impartiality, 
that these should meet him at the principal town in 
the Territories. On the day appointed they came 
together. The Governor qualified them in due 
form. This being done, they chose their Speaker. 
The Governor then informed them by a message, 
that he had called them together on weighty occa- 
sions. He wished them to proceed in the consider- 
ation of the new Charter or Frame of Government, 
which the former Assembly had discussed, but not 
settled. This Charter was of great consequence 


both to them and their posterity. It was of no less 
importance to both that they should have good laws. 
He advised them, therefore, to revise those which 
had been agreed upon during his former residence 
among them, so that they might expunge, alter, or 
add, as they saw occasion. He laid before them 
also the necessity of a settlement of property, and of 
a supply for the support of the Government ; and 
he promised them, during their endeavours to attain 
these objects, all the assistance in his power. 

The message having been delivered, the House 
proceeded to business. Four Committees were ap- 
pointed for the purpose of dispatching it according 
to the subjects it contained : namely, for drawing 
up a new Frame of Government ; for perusing the 
Laws with a view to alterations, repeals, or addi- 
tions ; for drawing up a Bill for settling property ; 
and for considering of a proper supply for the sup- 
port of the Government. Upon these subjects they 
went to work, and they continued their attention to 
them almost exclusively to the end of the session. 

They had not however made any great progress 
in their proceedings, before the same jealous spirit 
manifested itself between the Members of the Ter- 
ritories and those of the Province, which has been 
before noticed. The former had talked but lately, 
as before, of breaking off their political connection 
with the latter ; but William Penn, by his wise and 
conciliatory deportment, had disarmed them, so as 
then to have staved off their intention. At this 
time however their jealousies were again awakened, 

OF WILLI A:>r pr.NK* 181 

and this upon bare surmises. They thought a time 
might come, when the Province might be divided 
into more counties, and that an additional number 
of Representatives for these might \yG required. In 
this case they conceived that those for the Province' 
might out-number them in their votes ; and they 
actually went so far as to declare in the Assembly, 
that they would not consent to the confirmation of 
the union, but on the condition, "that at no time 
hereafter the number of the Representatives of the 
people in legislation in the Province should ex- 
ceed those of the Territories ; but if hereafter more 
counties were made in the Province, and therein 
more representatives were added, that then the 
union should cease." To this condition the Mem- 
bers for the Province would not consent. Both par- 
ties however agreed to have a conference with the 
Governor on the subject. This conference accord- 
ingly took place. The Governor proposed, " that 
in all matters and things whatsoever, wherein the 
Territories were or should be particularly concerned 
in interest or privilege, distinct from the Province, 
then and in that case no Act, Law, or Ordinance, in 
any wise should pass in any Assembly in this Pro- 
vince, unless two parts in three of the Members of the 
said Territories, and the majority of the Members 
of the Province, sh6uld concur therein." This im- 
partial proposal produced peace for the present, the 
Members for the Territories agreeing to postpone 
all discussion on the subject of the uaion to the next 

VOL* lU R 


But scarcely was this matter settled, when ano- 
ther was necessarily brought forward, which divided 
them again. In consequence of the Report of one 
of the Committees, it was agreed, " That a sum of 
money should be raised out of the Province and 
Territories for the Proprietary and Governor, in 
order to a supply for the support of the Govern- 
ment ;" but when they came to confer upon the rais- 
ing of it, they could not agree upon what should be 
the proportion between the Province and Territories. 
It was proposed, first, that three pence per pound 
should be laid upon all estates, both real and per- 
sonal, in the Province and Territories, for this pur- 
pose. This proposition was negatived. It was then 
moved, that two pence in the pound, and eight shil- 
lings per head, for every freeman in the Province 
and Territories, should be raised. This was nega- 
tived also. It vv'as then moved that three halfpence 
in the pound, and six shillings per head to every 
freeman, should be substituted for the former mode. 
This was negatived also. It was then moved, that 
three pence per pound, and twelve shillings per 
liead, should be collected, but that one penny per 
pound of v/hat it raised in the Territories should be 
returned to the latter in consideration of their ex- 
traordinary charge in legislation. This was nega- 
tived also. And here it must be observed, that the 
Members of the Territories voted to a man exactly 
the reverse of what those of the Province did on 
every one of these occasions. In this awkward 
situation the supply never would have been carried, 


it had not been for the wisdom of William Penn, 
who had entered into all the objections on both sides 
with great minuteness and impartiality, and who de- 
sired a conference with the Assembly on the sub- 
ject. It was proposed by him that nineteen hundred 
pounds should be raised in the Province and Terri- 
tories, four hundred of which should be paid out of 
the Territories, clear of all charges of collection, 
and fifteen hundred out of the Province, clear of the 
same charges, for the support of the Government, 
It was immediately afterwards proposed, that one 
hundred pounds should be added to the aforesaid 
nineteen hundred, seventy-three pounds of which 
should be paid out of the Province, and the residue, 
twenty-seven pounds, out of the Territories, for the 
same purpose. It was proposed lastly, that the 
Counties should pay their proportion as follows : 
Philadelphia County one thousand and twenty-five 
pounds, Chester three hundred and twenty-five, 
Bucks two hundred and twenty-five, Newcastle one 
hundred and eighty, Kent one hundred and thirty- 
nine, and Sussex one hundred and six. These pro- 
positions were severally agreed to. They were then 
incorporated into a Bill, and in this shape brought 
again before the House and passed. Thus at length 
was completed a Law, the principle and equity of 
which were admitted by the discordant parties, and 
which provided permanently for the first time for 
the good government of the two federated coun- 


William Penn having obtained this supply, which 
was more immediately wanted either than the alter- 
ation of the Charter or the revision of the Laws, 
was not so urgent for their determination upon the 
latter. These indeed were so important both to 
them and their posterity, that they could not well be 
too often or too seriously discussed. He therefore 
prorogued the Assembly on the twenty-seventh of 
November, after having kept it sitting for about six 

In looking over the Journals of the Proceedings 
of this Session we are furnished with certain facts 
trifling in themselves, but which yet, as matters of 
curiosity, may be worth noticing. It appears first, 
that but very few Members absented themselves 
during the whole session. They used to meet twice 
a day for the dispatch of business, namely, at eight 
in the morning and three in the afternoon. They 
were called together by the ringing of a bell. Any 
Member who was half an hour behind the time was 
lined ten pence. Every Member had an allowance 
of three pence per mile for travelling charges, and 
six shillings a day for his attendance in Assembly. 
The Speaker's daily allowance was ten shillings. 
Aurelius Hoskins had twenty pounds for his attend- 
unce as Clerk. The Assembly was to sit in future 
once in three times in the Territories, and the 
county in which they sat to pay the expense of room, 
fire, and paper. 



A, 1701 — sets out for East Jersey to quell a riot 
there — extracts from a letter written on that oc* 
casion — makes a treaty xvith the Susquehannah 
and other Indians — suggests a plan of trade xvith 
them^ to secure them from imposition and to im- 
prove their ynorals^-^calls the Assembly — their 
proceedings — issues an order to xvatch against 
invasion — re?iezus a treaty with another tribe of 
Indians — account of it — being called to England^ 
summons the Assembly again — its proceedings — • 
several tribes of Indians come to take their leave 
of him — his reply to the same — signs a new Char- 
ter — constitutes and incorporeites Philadelphia a 
city — appoints a Council of State — and a Deputy 
Governor — embarks for England — arrives there^ 

William Penn was with his wife and family at 
Pennsbury, when ho received the news that a. riot 
had taken place in East Jersey, during which some 
of the persons concerned in it had taken arms^ It 
appears that a criminal had dared to put insolent 
questions to a Magistrate in Court, and because the 
Magistrate had refused to answer them the commo- 
tion had arisen. William Penn, on the receipt of 
the intelligence, hastened to Philadelphia,- and 
there selected twelve of the most respectable of his 
own Society, with whom he was proceeding to assist 


the Government in East Jersey to get the better of 
the insurgents ; but being informed on his way that 
the matter had been settled, he returned home. 
He dispatched however a letter to his Friends in 
that Government, by which we see his sentiments 
in such cases; and that, though he was meek and 
tender in his nature, he could yet be firm where the 
t ause of justice required it. He tells his Friends, 
that he " had received the surprising news of the 
practices of some East Jersians, which were as un- 
v:xpected to him as dishonourable and licentious in 
them. It would be hard to find temper enough to 
balance extremes; for he knew not what punish- 
ment those rioters did not deserve, and he had 
rather live alone than not have such people corri- 
gible. Their leaders should be eyed, and some 
should be forced to declare them by the rigour of 
the law; and those who were found to be such 
should bear the burthen of such sedition, which 
would be the best way to behead the body without 
danger. If lenitives would not do, coercives should 
he tried; but though men would naturally begin 
^vith the former, yet wisdom had often sanctioned 
the latter as remedies, which however were never 
to be adopted but with regret." Further on in the 
letter, he says, " that by being an old, and not the 
least pretender to East Jersey, and a neighbour in 
his station, if he could yet be serviceable to com- 
pose or countenance a just prosecution of such re- 
hellious practices, let an express reach him, and, 


God permitting, he would immediately take horse 
and go to them." 

^ Soon after this he left Pennsbury for Philadelphia 
again. He met there Connoodaghtoh, King of the 
Sasquehannah- Indians; Wopaththa, King of the 
Shawanese; Weewhinjough, Chief of the Gana- 
wese ; and Ahookassong, brother of the Emperor 
of the five nations, with about forty Indians in their 
retinue, who came to renew the good understanding 
which had subsisted between him and them, by one 
general treaty for the whole. It is said that he re- 
ceived them in Council, and that many kind 
speeches passed between them. This was on the 
twenty-third of April ; when it was agreed that 
there should be for ever after a firm and lasting 
peace between William Penn and his heirs, and the 
said Kings and Chiefs and their successors in be- 
half of their respective tribes ; and that they should 
be as one head and one heart ; and that they should 
at no time hurt, injure, or defraud each other, or 
suffer each other to be hurt, injured, or defrauded ; 
but that they should be ready at all times to do jus- 
tice, and perform all acts and offices of friendship 

and good-will to each other that the Indians 

should behave themselves regularly and soberly 
according to the laws of Pennsylvania while they 
lived in it, and that they should have in return the 
same benefit from the said laws as the other in- 
habitants of it that they should not aid or assist 

any other nation, whether Indians or others, that 
v/ere not in amity with England and the Govern- 


ment of Pennsylvania that if any of them heard 

any unkind or disadvantageous reports of the Penn- 
sylvanians, as if they had evil designs against them, 
(the Indians,) then such Indians should send notice 
thereof to William Penn, his heirs, or lieutenants, 
and not give credence to such reports till by these 
means they could be fully satisfied concerning the 
truth of the same; and that William Penn, his 
heirs, or lieutenants, should in such case do the 

like by them that they should not bring nor 

suffer any strange nations of Indians to settle on 
the further side of Susquehannah, nor about Poto- 
mack river, nor in any other part of the province, 
but such as were there already seated, without the 
permission of William Penn, his heirs, or lieute- 
nants that for the prevention of abuses, tha^ 

were too frequently put upon them in trade, Wil- 
liam Penn, his heirs, or lieutenants, should not 
permit any person to traffic with them, but such 
as should have been first approved and authorized 
by an instrument under their own hands and seals, 
and that the Indians, on their part, should suffer no 
person whatsoever to trade with them, but such as 

should have been so licensed and approved that 

they should not sell their skins, furs, or other pro- 
'duce, to persons out of the said province, but only 
to those publicly authorized to trade with them as 
before mentioned; and that, for their encourage- 
ment, care should be taken that they should be 
duly furnished with all sorts of necessary goods, 
and at reasonable rates that the Potomack In 


dians should have free leave to setde upon any part 
of Potomack river within the bounds of the pro- 
vince, so long as they conformed themselves to the 
articles of this treaty. 

The treaty having been read, (by which the Co- 
nestogo Indians acknowledged and bound them- 
selves to all the bargains for lands made between 
them and William Penn, as well those formerly as 
in the preceding year,) the parties confirmed it by 
mutual presents, the Indians in five parcels of skins, 
and William Penn in various parcels of English 
merchandize, and also by putting their hands and 
seals to the same. 

Soon after this William Penn, in conformity with 
the said treaty, conferred with his Council as to the 
best means of preventing impositions on the Indians 
in the way of trade. After deliberation upon the 
subject it was resolved, that persons should be se* 
lectedfor their integrity^ who should form a sort of 
company, with a joint stock, and who should be 
authorized by the Government to hold a commer- 
cial intercourse with them. These however were 
to be instructed to take care to keep from them 
spirituous liquors as much as possible. They were 
also to use all reasonable means to bring them to a 
true sense of the value of Christianity, but particu- 
larly by setting before them examples of probity 
and candour, and to have them instructed in the 
fundamentals of it. This was probably the first 
time that trade was expressly made subservient to 
morals, and to the promotion of the Christian reli- 


In the month of June (the sea coast having been 
infested by pirates, and danger being then appre- 
hended of French invasion) he summoned his 
Council again, after which the following Order 
appeared : " The Magistrates for the county of 
Sussex shall take care that a constant watch and 
ward be kept on the hithermost cape near Lewis; 
and in case any vessel appear from the sea, that 
may with good grounds be suspected of evil designs 
against any part of the Government, Ordered that 
the said watch shall forthwith give notice thereof, 
with as exact a description and account of the ves- 
sel as they possibly can, to the Sheriff of the said 
county, who is required immediately to dispatch a 
messenger express with the same to the county of 
Kent, from thence to be forwarded from Sheriff to 
Sheriff through every county, till it be brought to 
the Government at Philadelphia; which watch and 
expresses shall be a provincial charge." 

In the month of July having received a letter 
from the King, urging him to bring the Province 
and Territories into union with the other Proprie- 
tary Governments for their mutual defence, he called 
the Assembly. They met accordingly on the first 
of August. He informed them in substance, that 
the occasion of his calling them together at this 
time (though it was with reluctance considering 
the season) was to lay before them the King's 
letter, requiring three, hundred and fifty pounds 
sterling from the Government towards the fortifi- 
cations intended on the frontiers of New York, and, 
though he might have some other matters to lay 


before them, yet he deferred all till they had consi- 
dered this point. 

This message, which it must have been difficult 
for William Penn as a Quaker to communicate, as 
well as for those, who professed the same religious 
faith, to accede to, could not but disturb the As- 
sembly. Indeed it seems to have paralyzed them* 
They scarcely knew what to do. They seemed 
to be willing to do any thing rather than to come to 
a conclusion upon it. They asked first to see the 
letter itself. When it had been shown them, they 
observed, that it was dated some time back. They 
sent therefore to the Governor to know, if he had 
received from the King any information since. He 
replied in the negative. They then requested, that 
he would send them a copy of his own speech. He 
replied, that it had not been his way so to do. They 
renewed their request. He then sent them his speech 
in substance. They applied to him to give it them 
more fully, "for it was somewhat short of what 
they apprehended needful to ground their intended 
address upon, no particular mention being made in 
the copy sent them either of the King's letter or of 
the sum to be raised.'' He returned for answer, 
that his speech had been delivered extempore, and 
that he had sent them the substance of what he re- 
collected of it; but if they thought the particular 
insertion of the King's letter needful, he would 
order it to be inserted. After this, both parties 
having been in a state of unpleasant parley for four 
days, the Assembly sent an address to him, in 


which they stated their loyalty ; but represented, 
among other things, that "after having taken into 
consideration the poverty of their constituents, and 
the great weight and pressure of the taxes, and hav- 
ing reason to believe that the adjacent provinces 
had hitherto done nothing in this matter, they 
thought it right to adjourn the further considera- 
tion of the King's letter till more emergent oc- 
casions should require their proceedings therein. 
In the mean time they earnestly desired he would 
candidly represent their situation to the King, and 
assure him of their readiness, according to their 
abilities, to acquiesce with and answer his com- 
mands, so far as their religious persuasions would 
permit, as it became loyal and faithful subjects to 
do." The next afternoon the Assembly was dis- 
solved, but at their own request, after a sitting of 
only six days. 

William Penn upon this returned to Pennsbury 
to consider of the past, and to provide for the 
future. Here, another tribe of Indians, which had 
not gone down to Philadelphia with those which 
have been before mentioned in this chapter, came 
to him to renew the treaty which he had made with 
it after his first voyage to these parts. John 
Richardson, a Yorkshire Quaker, who was then 
travelling in America as a minister of the Gospel, 
happened to be at Pennsbury at the time, and to 
witness what was done on the occasion. He has 
given an account of it in his Journal, but confesses 
that he has omitted many particulars. Imperfect. 


however, as the account is, I purpose transcribing it 
for the reader. 

*' I was," says he, " at William Penn's country- 
house, called Pennsbury in Pennsylvania, where I 
staid two or three days, on one of which I was at a 
meeting and a marriage, and much of the other part 
of the time I spent in seeing, to my satisfaction, 
WiUiam Penn and many of the Indians (not the 
least of them) in council and consultation concern- 
ing their former covenants now again revived ; all 
which was done in much calmness of temper and in 
an amicable way. To pass by several particulars, 
I may mention the following : one was, they never 
first broke their covenants with other people; for, as 
one of them said, and smote his hand upon his head 
three times, they did not make them there in their 
heads; but smiting his hand three times on his 
breast, said, they made them there in their hearts* 
And again, when William Penn and they had 
ended the most weighty parts, for which they held 
their Council, William Penn gave them match- 
coats and some other things, with some brandy and 
rum, or both, which was advised by the speaker for 
the Indians to be put into the hands of one of their 
Caciques, or Kings, for he knew best how^ to order 
them ; which being done, the said King used no 
CO npiiments, neither did the People, nor the rest of 
their Kings : but as the aforesaid King poured out 
his drams, he only made a motion with his finger, 
or sometimes with his eye, to the person which he 
intended to give the dram to : so they came quietly 



and in a solid manner, and took their drams, and 
passed away without either nod or bow, any further 
than necessity required those to stoop, who were on 
their feet, to him who sat on the ground or floor, as 
their choice and manner is : and withal I observed, 
and also heard the like by others, that they did not^ 
nor, I suppose, never do speak two at a time^ nor 
interfere in the least one with another that way in 
all their Councils, as has been observed. Their 
eating and drinking was in much stillness and 

" When much of the matters were gone through, 
I put William Penn in mind to inquire of the inter- 
preter, if he could find some terms of words that 
might be intelligible to them, in a religious sense, 
by which he might reach the understandings of the 
natives, and inculcate into their minds a sense of 
the principles of Truth, such as Christ^s manifest- 
ing himself to the inward senses of the soul b} his 
Light, Grace, or Holy Spirit, with the manner of 
the operations and working thereof in the hearts of 
the children of men ; and how it did reprove for 
evil and minister peace and comfort to the soul in 
its obedience and well-doing : or as near as he 
could come to the substance of this in their own 
language. William Penn much pressed the matter 
upon the interpreter to do his best in any terms that 
might reach their capacities, and answer the end in- 
tended : but the interpreter would not, either by 
reason, as he alleged, of want of terms, or his un- 
willingness to meddle in religious matters, which I 


know not: but I rather think the latter was the 
main reason which obstructed him. Therefore we 
found nothing was like to be done according to our 
desires in this matter, as the interpreter was but a 
dark man, and, as William Penn said, a wrong man 
for our present purpose. 

" William Penn said, he understood they owned 
a Superior Power, and asked the interpreter, what 
their notion was of God in their own way. The in- 
terpreter showed by making several circles on the 
ground with his staiF, till he reduced the last into a 
small circumference, and placed, as he said, by way 
of representation, the Great Man (as they termed 
him) in the middle circle, so that he could see over 
all the other circles, which included all the earth. 
And we querying what they owned as to eternity 
or a future state, the interpreter said, they believed, 
when such died, as were guilty of v theft, swearing, 
lying, whoring, murder, and the like, they went 
into a very cold country, where they had neither 
good fat venison, nor match-coats (which is what 
they use instead of clothes to cover them withal, 
being of one piece in the form of a blanket or bed- 
covering) ; but those who died clear of the afore- 
said sins, go into a fine warm country, where they 
had good fat venison and good match-coats (things 
much valued by the natives). I thought, inasmuch 
as these poor creatures had not the knowledge of 
God by the Scriptures, as we have who are called 
Christians, that what knowledge they had of the 
Supreme Being must be by an inward sensation^ or^ 


by contemplating upon the works of God in the 
creation, or probably from some tradition handed 
down from the father to the son, by which it ap- 
pears they acknowledge a future state of rewards 
and punishments ; the former of which they express 
by warmth, good clothing, and food ; and the latter 
by nakedness, pining, hunger, and piercing cold. 

" I have often thought and said, when I was 
amongst them, that generally my spirit was very 
easy, and I did not feel that power of darkness to 
oppress me as I had done in many places among the 
people called Christians. 

" After William Penn and they had expressed 
their satisfaction, both for themselves and their 
people, in keeping* all their former articles un- 
violated^ and agreed that, if any particular differ- 
ences did happen amongst any of their people, they 
should not be an occasion of fomenting or creating 
any war between William Penn's people and the 
Indians, but justice should be done in all such 
cases, that all animosities might be prevented on all 
sides for ever, they went out of the house into an 
open place not far from it, to perform their Cantico 
or worship, which was done thus : First, they made 
a small fire, and the men without the women sat 
down about it in a ring ; and whatsoever object 
they severally fixed their eyes on, I did not see 
them move them in all that part of their worship, 
while they sang a very melodious hymn, which af- 
fected and tendered the hearts of many who were 
spectators. When they had thus done, they began 


(as I suppose in their usual manner j to beat upon 
the ground with little sticks, or make some motion 
with something in their hands, and pause a little, 
till one of the elder sort sets forth his hymn, follow- 
ed by the company for a few minutes, and then 
a pause ; and then the like was done by another, 
and so by a third, and followed by the company, as 
at the first ; which seemed exceedingly to affect 
them and others. Having done, they rose up and 
danced a little about the fire, and parted with some 
shouting like triumph or rejoicing." 

About this time William Penn received news 
from England which was very distressing. The 
Proprietary Governors in North America had 
begun to be unpopular with the Governors at home. 
The truth was, that the Governors at home were 
jealous of their increasing power, and therefore 
soon after the Revolution in 1688 they had formed 
a notion of buying them off, and of changing iheit 
Governments into regal under their own immediate 
controul. Conformably therefore with this idea, 
but under the pretence of great abuse on the one 
side and of national advantage on the other, a Bill 
for this purpose was brought into the House of 
Lords. Such of the owners of land in Pennsylvania 
as were then in England represented the hardship 
of their case to Parliament in the event of such a 
change, and solicited a respite of their proceedings 
till William Penn could arrive in England to appear 
before them, and to answer for himself as one of 
those whose character the Bill in question affected. 


Accordingly they dispatched to him an account of 
the whole affair, and solicited his immediate return 
to England. This was the substance of the news 
which reached him at this moment. 

William Penn could not be otherwise than griev- 
ed at this intelligence. He was only then beginning 
as it were his intended improvements. To be call- 
ed away therefore at this juncture was peculiarly 
distressing. To stay, on the other hand, would be 
to subject his Government to dissolution. He de- 
termined therefore, after a comparative view of the 
good and evil in both cases, to return to England, 
and to plead his cause before the Parliament of the 
Parent-Country. It was necessary, how^evcr,. be- 
fore he returned, that he should attend to the finish- 
ing of those Laws which were then before the As- 
sembly, as well as to others which he might have 
had it in contemplation to introduce. He therefore 
immediately dispatched writs to the Sheriffs to call 
a new Assembly. This was quickly done. The 
members were as quickly chosen. On the fifteenth 
day of September they met at Philadelphia ; after 
which, having been legally qualified, the Governor 
addressed them as follows : 
" Friends, 

'' You cannot be more concerned than I am at the 
frequency of your service in Assembly, since 1 am 
very sensible of the trouble and charge it contracts 
upon the Country : but the motives being consider- 
ed,, and that you must have met of course in the 


next month, I hope yoa will not think it an hardship 

" The reason that hastens your session is the ne- 
cessity I am under, through the endeavours of the 
enemies of the prosperity of this Country, to go for 
England, where, taking advantage of my absence, 
some have attempted bv false or unreasonable charges 
to undermine our Government, and thereby the 
true value of our labours and prosperity. Govern- 
ment having been our first encouragement, I confess 
I cannot think of such a voyage without great reluc- 
tancy of mind, having promised myself the quietness 
of a wilderness, and that I might stay so long at least 
'with you as to render every body entirely easy and 
safe ; for my heart is among you as well as my body, 
whatever some people may please to think : and no 
unkindness or disappointment shall, with submis- 
sion to God's providence, ever be able to alter my 
love to the Country, and resolution to return and 
setde my family and posterity in it : but having rea- 
son to believe I can at this time best serve you and 
myself on that side of the water, neither the rude- 
ness of the season nor the tender circumstances of 
my family can over-rule my inclinations to under- 
take it. 

" Think therefore (since all men are mortal) of 
some suitable expedient and provision for your safe- 
ty, as well in your privileges as property, and you 
will find me ready to comply with whatsoever may 
render us happy by a nearer union of our interests. 


" Review again your laws ; propose new ones 
that may better suit your circumstances ; and what 
you do, do it quickly ; remembering that the Par- 
liament sits the end of next month ; and that the 
sooner I am there, the safer, I hope, we shall be 

" I must recommend to your serious thoughts 
and care the King's letter to tne, for the assistance 
of New York with 350/. sterling, as a Frontier- Go- 
vernment, and therefore exposed to a much greater 
expense, in proportion to other Colonies ; which I 
called the Assembly to take into their consideration, 
and they were pleased for the reasons then given to 
refer to this. 

" I am also to tell you the good news of the Go- 
vernor of New York's happy issues of his confe- 
rences with the five nations of Indians ; that he hath 
not only made peace with them for the King's sub- 
jects of that Colony, but, as I had by some letters 
before desired him, for those of all other Govern- 
ments under the Crown of England on the Conti- 
nent of America, as also the nations of Indians 
within these respective Colonies; which certainly 
merits our acknowledgments. 

" I have done when I have told you that unani^ 
mity and dispatch are the life of business ; and this 
I desire and expect from you for your own sakes, 
since it may so much contribute to the disappoint- 
ment of those that too long have sought the ruin of 
your young Country.'^ 


To this speech the Assembly returned the fol- 
lowing reply : 

** May it please the Proprietary 
and Governor: 

'^ We have this da)^ in our Assembly read thy 
Speech, delivered to us yesterday in Council, and, 
having duly considered the same, cannot but be un- 
der a deep sense of sorrow for thy purpose of so 
speedily leaving us; and, at the same time, taking 
notice of thy paternal regard to us and our posteri- 
ty, the Freeholders of this Province and Territo- 
ries annexed, in thy loving and kind expressions of 
being ready to comply with whatsoever expedient 
and provision we shall offer for our safety, as well in 
privileges as in property, and what else may render 
us happy in a nearer union of our interests ; not 
doubting the performance of what thou hast been 
pleased so lovingly to promise, we do in much hu- 
mility, and as a token of our gratitude, render unto 
thee the unfeigned thanks of this House. 

" Joseph Growdon, Speaker.'* 

On the sixteenth and seventeenth the Assembly 
occupied themselves in forming Committees and 
making arrangements for the dispatch of business, 
when the question for raising money fur the fortifi- 
cations of New York was proposed to them. This, 
however, they negatived unanimously, alleging in 
justification of themselves the reasons before given. 

On the twentieth they presented the Governor 
with an Address, containing twenty^one articles, 
relative to privileges and property, which they 


hoped might be acceded to, and ascertained to them 
and their posterity in their Charter. 

The first of these related to his Successor. To 
this he replied, that he would take care to appoint a 
proper person, one of unexceptionable character, 
and in whom he could confide, and whom he would 
invest with full powers for the security of all con- 
cerned ; but, to show how much he wished to grati- 
fy them in this respect, he offered to accept a Depu- 
ty Governor whom they might nominate themselves. 
This offer they declined, but with many thanks for 
it ; alleging, as a reason, that they did not presume 
to a sufficiency of knowledge to nominate such as 
might be duly qualified for so high an employ. 

There were also nine of the articles which he ac- 
ceded to in the fullest extent, and for which con- 
cession they returned him also their humble 

With respect to some of the others, he negatived 
them at once. Among these I may notice the thir- 
teenth and sixteenth. By the thirteenth they re- 
quested, " that all lands in the said counties, not yet 
taken up, might be disposed of at the old rent of a 
bushel of zvheat in a hundred. His answer in wri- 
ting was, ^ I think this an unreasonable article, either 
to limit me in that which is my own, or to deprive 
me of the benefit of raising in proportion to the ad- 
vantage which time gives to other men's properties ; 
and the rather because I am yet in disburse for that 
long and expensive controversy with the Lord Bal- 
timore, promised to be defrayed by the public as ap- 


pears by the Minutes in Council.' By the sixteenth 
they requested, that all the Bay-marshes be laid out 
in common, except such as were already granted. 
^ This,' says he in his answer, ' I take for a high im- 
position: however, I am willing that they all lie in 
common and free until otherwise disposed of, and 
shall grant the same from time to time in reasonable 
portions, and upon reasonable terms, especially to 
such as shall engage to drain and improve the same, 
having always a regard to back inhabitants for their 
accommodation.' " 

There were other articles in the Address, parti- 
cularly the eighth and ninth relative to land conti- 
guous to Philadelphia, which very much hurt his 
feelings on perusing them. It struck him, as if it 
might be implied from these, that he had not per- 
formed some of the promises he had made them ; 
and he thought at the same time, that he saw in 
themselves an unbecoming rapacity to exact from 
him all they could, before he left them. To these 
therefore he gave much such answers as before ; but 
besides this, at a conference he held with them in 
the Council-chamber, he signified to them ^' that in 
his speech on the opening of the Session he had re- 
commended to them to consider their privileges as 
well as property, in which he had justly given pri- 
mleges the precedency of property^ as the bulwark to 
secure the other : but they in their present Address 
insisted not only on property alone, but upon such 
particulars as could by no means be cognizable by an 
Assembly^ and lay only between him and the particu- 


lars concerned; in which he had done, and always 
would do, to the utmost, what became an honest 

man to all those he agreed with but he would 

never suffer an Assembly to intermeddle with his 
property^ lest it should be drawn into a precedent, 
if it should please God a Governor should preside 
here, distinct from the Proprietary.'' 

Such then was the feeling of William Penn upon 
this Address. It may be observed, however, as a 
partial justification of the Assembly, that there were 
some things yet undone, which should have been, 
and would have been, done years ago, had he not 
been absent from them. It is obvious too, that they 
were alarmed lest the Government should be put 
into new hands. It was time therefore that they 
should look to their own interests ; and that they 
should obtain the full performance of all that had 
been promised to them. They were aware too, that 
it would be more easy for them to obtain from Wil- 
liam Penn any additional privileges or grants, than 
from the Government at home, provided he was 
obliged to sell his authority and power. And here 
it was that the Assembly wounded his feelings ; 
for, by going too far, they furnished the appearance 
of rapacity in themselves, as well as of claiui with- 
out a right ; and this error produced a shyness in 
some degree between them," which was discernible 
in the proceedings of the Session. It is much how- 
ever to the honour of William Penn, that he did not 
allc'A'' his feelings to operate eventuallv to th • pre- 
judice. Satisfied wilh having expressed his disap- 


probation of their conduct, he resumed his wonted 
benevolence, and therefore relaxed and modified, 
even in the offensive articles, so as to settle matters 
ultimately to the general satisfaction. 

On the seventh of October, while the Assembly 
were sitting, several tribes of Indians came down to 
Philadelphia. The report that William Penn was 
going to England had reached their country, and 
they came to take leave of him, as of their great be- 
nefactor. He received them in Council, The in- 
terview is said to have been very interesting. Un- 
fortunately, however, but few particulars have come 
down to us. We have only the following short ac- 
count : 

" William Penn told them, that the Assembly 
was then enacting a law, according to their (the In- 
dians') desire, to prevent their being abused by the 
selling of rum among them j and that he requested 
them (the Indians) to unite all their endeavours 
and their utmost exertion, in conjunction with those 
of the Government, to put the said law in execu- 

At the same time he informed them, " that now 
this was like to be his last interview with them, at 
least before his return- — !-that he had always loved 
and been kind to them, and ever should continue so 
to be, not through any politic design, or on account 

of self-interest, but from a most real affection 

and he desired them in his absence to cultivate 
friendship with those, whom he should leave behind 
in authority; as they would always in some degree 



continue to be so to them, as himself had ever been. 

Lastly, that he had charged the Members of 

Council, and he then also renewed the same charge, 
that they should in all respects be kind to them, and 
entertain them with all courtesy and demonstrations 
of good will, as himself had ever done." Here the 
members promised faithfully to observe the charge. 
Presents were then made to the Indians, who soon 
afterwards withdrew. 

While the Assembly were proceeding in the bu- 
siness of the day, disagreements broke out again be- 
tween the members of the Territories and those of 
the Province. The question being put, " whether 
the Bill for the confirmation of laws should pass into 
a law with such amendments as might be thought 
needful ?" most of the Territory members rose up 
and left the House, declaring their intention of re- 
turning home. '^ It appears, that they had been de- 
sirous of obtaining some exclusive rights for their 
Constituents ; and that, unable to carry their point, 
they had taken this sudden step. In this unpleasant 
situation, William Penn judged it right to request a 
conference with them. This took place in the Coun- 
cil-chamber, where he received them apart from the 
rest of the Assembly. During its continuance he 
heard all their complaints and weighed their objec- 
tions ; but he found these, after a patient investiga- 
tion, so groundless, that he could not help telling 
the iT, that '* he took this their conduct very unkind 
even to himself in particular." They replied, that 
they had a great regard and even affection for him. 


They had not the most distant intention of offend- 
ing him ; but it became them to be true to those 
whom they represented. 

The conference having thus proved ineffectual, he 
called the Council together, and sent for the whole 
Assembly, resolving to make another effort for 
peace. It appears that all the members attended 
him, as well the seceders as those for the Province. 
He then told them, '* that his time being short, he 
must come briefly to the point ; that it w^as no small 
wound to him to think, that at the earnest desire of 
the Territories as well as the good will of the Pro- 
vince, he had engaged in an undertaking, which cost 
him between two and three thousand pounds, to 
unite them ; and yet that they should now endan- 
ger that union, and divide, after they had been re- 
cognised as one, not only by the King's Commission 
to Governor Fletcher, but also by the King's letters 
patent for his own restoration, and the King's seve- 
ral letters to the Government. He therefore 

would not have any thing resolved on, but what was 
considerate and weighty, lest it should look as un- 
kind, and now, at his departure, make him carry a 
very ill report of them to England." The Territory 
Aiembers said in reply to this, *' that they were 
great sufferers by the Act of Union, however it was 
at first intended, and that they could not support 
the burthen of the charge." The Governor replied, 
" they were free to break off, and might act dis- 
tinctly by themselves." At this they seemed pleas- 
ed, and indeed expressed their satisfaction : " But 


then,'' continued he, ^^ it must be upon amicable 
terms and a good understanding." He then im- 
pressed it upon them, " that they must first resolve 
to settle the Laws ; and that, as the interest of the 
Province and that of the Territories would be the 
same, they should both use a conduct consistent 
with that relation." 

On the fifteenth of October the seceding mem- 
bers returned to the Assembly, but still remained 
dissatisfied. They declared to the House, '' they 
were willing to join with the rest of the members, 
provided they might have liberty to enter their dis- 
sent to the Bill for the confirmation of Laws, and 
that nothing might be carried over their heads by 
over-voting them;" and declared further, "they 
were willing to do any thing for the good and tran- 
quillity of the Government." After this they with- 
drew. Being called into the House again, they 
were told " they should have liberty to enter their 
dissent, provided they kept to the matter ; but as 
for the House to promise not to over-vote them, it 
was a thing so impracticable, and such an infringe- 
ment of the privileges of Assemblies, that they 
could not yield to that." In this situation both par- 
ties continued, when the Governor directed the fol- 
lowing letter to the Speaker, with a request that it 
might be communicated to the whole House: 
" FarENDs, 

" Your union is what I desire, but your peace and 
accommodating one another is what I must expect 
from you. The reputation of it is something j the 


reality'is much more. And I desire you to remem- 
ber and observe what I say : Yield in circumstan- 
t'lals to preserve essentials ; and, being safe in one 
another, you will always be so in esteem with me. 
Make me not sad when I am going to leave you, 
since it is for you, as well as for 

" Your Friend and Governor, 

" William Penn." 

This letter had the effect of producing a recon- 
ciliation between the parties concerned; and the 
Governor promising further, that he would make a 
provision in the Charter for a conditional separa- 
tion from each other, if they chose it, within the 
space of three years, they continued to act in har- 
mony for the remainder of the Session. 

By this time the Assembly had finished the 
greater part of the business which had been submit- 
ted ^o their consideration, particularly in the depart- 
ment of the Laws. The following is a list of those 
which they had finally passed, and in the order in 
which they were severally confirmed: An Act for 
Liberty of Conscience — against Riots and Rioters — 
Adultery and Fornication — Rape — Incest and Bes- 
tiality — Bigamy — Robbing and Stealing — taking 
away Canoes and Boats — breaking into Houses — 
firing of Houses — forcible Entry — Menacing, As- 
sault, and Battery — Murder — Sedition, the spread- 
ing false News, and Defamation — removing Land- 
marks — defacing Charters — for County Seals, and 
against counterfeiting Hands and Seals — for re- 
gulating the Interest of Money — for Privileges 
1' 2 


of a Freeman — against buying Land of the 
Natives — for punishing petty Offences — for the 
Names of the Days and Months of the Year — for 
the better Provision of the Poor withm the Province 
•and Territories — for recording of Deeds — ior pre- 
venting clandestine Marriages — for binding to the 
Peace — for limiting Presentments of the Grand 
Jury — for ascertaining the Number of Members of 
Assembly, and regulating Elections — about Attach- 
ments — for Naturalization— for ascertaining the 
Descent of Lands and the better Disposition of the 
Estates of Persons intestate — for raising County 
Levies — for Directing the Attests of sundry Offi- 
cers and Ministers, with Amendments about At- 
torneys' Fees — for the better Attendance of the 
Justices within the Province and Territories — 
against Jurors absenting, when lawfully summoned 
— on determining Debts under Forty Shillings—to 
prevent immoderate Fines — about Defalcation— 
against speaking in Derogation of Courts — for the 
appraisement of Goods — against Barrators — to ob- 
lige Witnesses to give Evidence, and to prevent 
False-swearing — for the Confirmation of Devises 
of Lands and Validity of nuncupative Wills — to 
prevent the grievous Sins of Cursing and Swearing 
— to prevent Duelling — to empower Widows and 
Administrators to sell so much of the Lands of In- 
testates as may be sufficient to clear their Debts — ■- 
for the Preservation of the Person of the Proprie- 
tary and Governor — for taking Lands in Execution 
where the Sheriffs cannot come at other Effects to 
satisfy the same — for the better regulating of Ser- 


vants — for erecting and establishing a Post-office— 
f ( r the Assize of Bread — for Priority of Payments 
to the Inhabitants of this Government — lor regulat- 
ing of Streets and Water-courses in the Cities and 
Towns — to prevent Accidents which may happen 
by Fire in the Towns of Bristol, Philadelphia, Ger- 
miintown, Derby, Chester^ Newcastle, and Lewis, 
with the words ^* Hooks provided'' — to empower 
Justices to lay out and confirm all Roads, except 
the King's Highways — for regulating and main- 
taining Fences — for erecting- Bridges and main- 
taining Highways — against Weirs across Creeks 
and Rivers — against unseasonable Firing of Woods 
— for erecting and regulating the Prices of Ferries 
—for the Trial of Negroes — to prevent sickly Ves- 
sels coming into this Government— -for the Sittings 
of Orphans' Courts — for requiring all Masters of 
Ve^^sels to make report at the Town of Newcastle — 
for levying of Fines — about Departures out of the 
Province — against mixing and adulterating strong- 
Liquors — against Scolding about killing of 

Wolves — concerning Bills of Exchange — for regu- 
lating Money Weights and for Stamping the same 
—for appointing the Rate of Money or Coin, and 
for preventing the Clipping of the same — for regu- 
lating Weights and Measures — to prevent the Sale 
of ill-tanned Leather, and working the same into 
Shoes and Boots — for keeping a Register in religi- 
ous Societies — for viewing of Pipe Staves — against 
keeping Inns or Public-houses without Licence— 
for the Dimensions of Casks, and true Packing of 


Meat — about cutting Timber Trees— against 
Drunkenness and drinking Healths — for bailing 
Prisoners and about Imprisonment— against Pirates 
and Sea Robbers — for granting an Impost on Wine, 
Rum, and Beer — for raising One Penny per Pound 
and Six Shillings per Head for the Support of Go- 
vernment — for raising and granting to the Proprie- 
tary and Governor the Sum of Two Thousand 
Pounds upon the clear Value of all real and personal 
Estates, and upon the Polls of all Freemen within 
the Province and Territories — for effectually esta- 
blishing and confirming the Freeholders of the same, 
their Heirs and Assigns, in their Lands and Tene- 
ments — for erectuig a Bridge at Chester — for 
Country Produce to be curriiiit Payment — against 

selling Rum to the Indians. Alter these some 

other Laws were passed b\ the Assembly, making 
up, with those whose titles have been recited, the 
number of one hundred. 

With respect to the new Charter or Frame of 
Government, upon which so much attention had 
been bestowed by a Committee of the Assembly, it 
was produced, read, and approved. It agreed with 
that of 1696 in the following particulars: Each 
County was to send four Members to the Assem- 
bly, but this number might be enlarged afterwards 
as circumstances might require. — The Assv mbly 
also were allowed to propose Bills, to appoint Com- 
mittees, and to sit upon their own Adjournments. 
Among the new articles it contained I may notice, 
first, That if persons through temptation or melan- 


choly should destroy themselves, their estates were 
not to be forfeited, but to descend to their wives 
and children and relations, as if they had died a 
natural death; and, secondly. That in case the Re- 
presentatives of the Province and those of the Ter- 
ritories should not hereafter agree to join together 
in Legislation, they were allowed, by proper signi- 
fication of the same, to separate v/ithin three years 
from the date of the Charter; but they were to enjoy 
the same privileges when separated as when con- 

The Assembly having finished the business be- 
fore them, William Penn on the twenty-eighth of 
October signed the above Charter in the Council- 
chamber in the midst of the Council and Assembly, 
both of whom united in returning him thanks, as 
appears by the following document: 

" This Charter of Privileges having been dis- 
tinctly read in Assembly, and the whole and every 
part thereof having been approved and agreed to by 
us, we do thankfully receive the same from our Pro- 
prietary and Governor, this twenty-eighth day of 
October, iroi." 

Signed by Edward Shippen^ Thomas Story, and 
others of the Governor's Council ; 

And by Joseph Growdon, on behalf and by order 
of the Assembly. 

On the same day he appointed by Letters Patent 
under the Great Seal a Council of State, consisting 
of Edward Shippen, Thomas Story, and eight other 
persons, for the Government of the Province and 


Territories, to assist him or his Lit uttnant with theiir 
advice in public affairs ; and to exercise, in his own 
absence or in case of the death or incapacity of his 
Lieutenant, the powers of Government for the same. 

On the twenty-ninth, the ship which was to carry 
him to England being ready to sail, he convened 
the inhabitants of Philadelphia, in order to leave 
with them a particular memorial of his good-will 
towards them. He presented them with a Charter 
of Privileges, by which Philadelphia was constituted 
a City, and incorporated. The Corporation was to 
consist of a Mayor, Aldermen, and Common Coun- 
cil-men, a Recorder, Sheriff, Town Clerk, and 
other Officers, and to have the Title of The JNlayor 
and Commonalty of Philadelphia. This Charter 
he had prepared and signed on the twenty-fifth, and 
he had taken care to appoint all those whom he 
most approved of to the different stations belonging 
to it. Thus he appointed Edward Shippen the first 
Mayor, and Thomas Story the first Recorder ; all 
of whom he saw in their respective offices before he 

On the thirtieth he appointed Andrew Hamilton, 
who had been some time Governor both of East and 
West Jersey, as his Deputy Governor; and having 
put him into his place, and introduced him to the 
Council, he embarked the next day w^ith his wife 
and family, after having staid in Pennsylvania about 
two years ; during which, according to the account 
of his Life, written by Besse, prefixed to the Col- 
lection of his Works, " he had apphed himself to 


the offices of Government, always preferring the 
good of the Country and its Inhabitants to his own 
private interest, rather remitting than rigorously ex- 
acting his lawful revenues, so that under the influ- 
ence of his paternal administration he left the Pro- 
vinc in an easy and flourishing condition," It ap- 
pears that he was only about six weeks on his pas- 
sage, and that he arrived at Portsmouth about the 
midxlle of December. 



A. 1702-3 — carries tip the Address of the fakers 
to ^leen Anne — writes '^ Considerations upon 
the Bill against occasional Conformity^^ — also 
" More Fruits of Solitude'^'' — also a Preface to 
" Vindicice Veritatis^'*-^a7id another to *^ Zion^s 
Travellers conforted'*'^ — affairs of Fcnnsylvama* 

The facts related of William Penn become now 
so very scanty, that I shall be obliged from this 
time to throw two or three years of his life into one 

He had not been long in England before he 
found that the Bill which was to turn the North 
American into Regal Governments had been en- 
tirely dropped, so that he had crossed the Atlantic 
for nothing. It was however a consolation to him 
to know, that the evil on account of which he had 
come to England, and the removal of which was 
likely to have cost him much anxiety, pain, and 
trouble, had been removed. 

Not long after this. King William died, and 
Queen Anne succeeded him. William Penn was in 
great favour with this princess, and occasionally at- 
tended her Court. She received him always in a 
friendlv manner, and was pleased with his conver- 
sation on American concerns. He was employed 
also in carrying up to her an Address from the 


Quakers, to thank her for her declaration that she 
would maintain the Act of Toleration in favour of 
Dissenters. The Queen spoke to him veiy kindly 
on this occasion, and, having read the Address, 
added, ''Mr. Penn ! I am so well pleased that 
what I have said is to your satisfaction, that you 
and your Friends may be assured of my protec- 

At this time he and his family were in lodgings 
at Kensington. Here he wrote a little tract, con- 
tained in a sheet of paper, called " Considerations 
upon the Bill against occasional Conformity," 
which Bill had then been introduced into the 
House of Commons^ 

He wrote also " More Fruits of Solitude." 
This was a second part to '^ Some Fruits of Soli- 
tude, in Reflections and Maxims relating to the 
Conduct of human Life," published in 1683. The 
reflections and maxims in both parts amounted to 
eight hundred and fifty. 

He removed from Kensington to Knightsbridge 
the next year. While at the latter place, he wrote 
two interesting prefaces to two books. The first of 
these was " Vindiciae Veritatis ; or. An occasional 
Defence of the Principles and Practices of the 
People called Quakers ; in Answer to a Treatise by 
John Stillingfleet, a Clergyman in Lincolnshire, 
miscalled Seasonable Advice against Quakerism." 
The other was a collection of Charles Marshall's 
writings, called " Zion's Travellers comforted." 



With respect to America, he received no intelli- 
gence from thence but what was distressing. It 
appears that Governor Hamilton had summoned 
the Assembly, and that the members for the Terri- 
tories had come down to Philadelphia in conse- 
quence, and had met him in the Council-chamber ; 
but that they had refused to meet in Assembly, or 
to act in legislation with those for the Province. 
They objected to the last Charter. William Penn, 
they said, had signed this at a Board of Council, 
and not in Assembly, for the Assembly had been 
dissolved the day before. The Charter therefore 
was not binding upon them, for they were then no 
House. Besides, the members for the Province 
had been elected by writs, which were conformable 
In point of time with the said Charter ; but they 
themselves had been elected not till some time 
after. They could not therefore sit in Assembly 
with the former; for by so doing they would ac- 
knowledge the said Charter, the writs upon which 
the said members were elected being grounded 
upon it. 

The Governor made a reply to them ; but his 
arguments, forcible as they w^ere, did not avaih 
In the course however of five or six weeks he suc- 
ceeded in bringing them and the members for the 
Province together, but it was in the Council-cham- 
ber only : and here the communication which he 
had to make to them was not likely to conciliate 
either of them ; for he revived the old subject of 
fear of invasion, and proposed at the instigation of 


Lord Cornbury, then Governor of New York, a 
junction with his province to fortify the frontier of 
Albany, and recommended also the raising of a 
militia among them. The result was, that both 
parties with one accord declined acting together in 
their legislative capacity. " They humbly craved 
leave to inform the Governor, that they could find 
no method to form themselves into an Assembly, 
the same stops and objections lying in the way as 

Twice after this the Governor brought them 
together, but with no better success ; when he dis- 
missed them, hoping that by sending an account of 
their proceedings to England some expedient might 
be devised by William Penn, which might lead to 
their union. This however was but a vain hope ; 
for when they parted on their dismissal they parted 
for ever in legislation, the Territory members 
determining to hold a separate Assembly within 
their own borders. 

The members for the Province, being now left to 
themselves, addressed the Governor, requesting 
that, according to the Charter, by which a provision 
had been made, in case of the separation which had 
taken place, they might hold an Assembly by the 
addition of four members for each county and two 
for Philadelphia, which was now incorporated. 
This the Governor signified his intention to comply 
with: but in the interim he died. 

On the death of Governor Hamilton, the Go- 
vernment of the Province and Territories devolved 


upon Edward Shippen, who was President of the 
Council. He summoned the Assembly for the 
Province in October. They met accordingly, and 
performed the business of the Session : immedi- 
ately after which a dispute arose between them and 
the Governor and Council ; for, when the latter 
proposed to confer with the Assembly about a 
proper time to meet again, the Assembly assumed 
the power of adjourning wholly to themselves 5 and 
when an objection was made to this extent of their 
claim of sitting wholly upon their own adjourn- 
ments, they immediately adjourned themselves to 
the first of May next, without giving Governor or 
Council any further time to confer with them on 
the subject. 



A. ir04-5-6-7-8 — zurites a Preface to " The writ- 
ten Gospel-Labours of John Whitehead^'' — travels 
as a minister into the West of England — writes a 
General Letter to the Society — is involved in a 
laxV'Suit with the Executors of his Steward — 
obtains no redress in Chancery — obliged in conse- 
quence to live xvithin the Rules of the Fleet-^ 
affairs of Pennsylvania.. 

In the year 1 r04 we know very little of William 
Penn, only that he continued to reside at Knights- 
bridge, and thaty while there, he wrote a Preface to 
" The written Gospel-Labours of John White- 

In ir05 he travelled as a minister to the western 
parts of the kingdom. It is said that during his 
journey ^' he had good service, and that his testi- 
mony was effectual to the reformation of many." 
Soon after this he wrote the following short letter, 
v/hich he addressed lo the Quakers generally : 
" Hold all your meetings in that which set them up, 
the heavenly power of God, both ministers and 
hearers, and live under it and not above it, and the 
Lord will give you dominion over that which seeks 
tx) draw you again into captivity to the spirit of this 
world under divers appearances, that the Truth 
may shine through you in righteousness and holi» 
U 2 


Bess, in self-denial, long-suffering, patience, and 
brotherly kindness : so shall you approve your- 
selves the redeemed of the Lord, and his living 
witnesses in and to an evil generation. So prays 
your Friend and Brother through the many tribula- 
tions that lead to the kingdom of God. 

In 1706 he removed with his family to a house 
near Brentford, where he continued for some time. 

In 1 707 he was unhappily involved in a law-suit 
with the executors of one Ford, who had been 
formerly his steward. He considered the demands 
of these to be so unreasonable, as to feel himself 
bound by justice to resist them. 

In the course of 1708 his cause was- determined : 
but " though many thought him aggrieved, it was 
attended, it is said, by such circumstances, that the 
Court of Chancery did not think it proper to relieve 
him." This issue must have been very distressing 
to him, not only because it was entirely unexpected, 
but because a man of his delicate feelings must have 
supposed that his character would suffer in conse- 
quence of it. But, besides, he was under the pain- 
ful necessity of dwelling within the Rules of the 
Fieei/* till such time as the pecuniary part of the 
matter could be settled. 

As to his American affairs, it appears that he had 
appointed John Evans Deputy Governor, with the 

* It is probable that from this cireumstance Edmund Burke, in 
.is *' Account of the European Settlements in America,*' derived 
b.e mistaken notion that William Penn died in the Fleet prispTi. 


Queen's approbation, on the death of Andrew 
Hamilton. It was the first effort of Evans to try to 
make up the differences between the members for 
the Territories and those for ihe Province. He 
succeeded in bringing them once more together, 
and the speech he made to them was such as to dis- 
pose the members for the Territories towards a re- 
union; but those for the Province, who had so 
long witnessed the refractory behaviour of the 
latter, refused all further connection with them. 
The consequence was, that they parted finally. 

Having thus failed in his attempt at negotiation, 
he convened the Assembly of the Province, with 
which he transacted the public business as a distinct 
body, and after this the Assembly of the Territo- 
ries, which he met at Newcastle, distinct in like 
manner, for the management of the Territory con- 

By this time he had become unpopular with the 
members for the Province. He had refused to pass 
three Bills, relating to the Charter and to Property, 
without certain Amendments ; and he had publish- 
ed a Proclamation to raise a militia among those 
whose religious scruples did not hinder them from 
bearing arms. This unpopularity became at length 
so great, that they drew up a private Remonstrance 
against him, and sent it to England to William 
Penn ; in which, it is said, they reflected upon 
William Penn himself, and also upon James Logan, 
who was the public Secretary to the Government. 


Early in 1705 Governor Evans convened the 
same Assembly. In his address to them he stated 
how much the Proprietary had been grieved with 
the Remonstrance he had received. " Gentlemen,'' 
says he, " the Proprietary is so far from agreeing 
with your opinion in these matters, that he is great- 
ly surprised to see, instead of suitable supplies for 
the maintenance of Government, and defraying pub^ 
lic charges for the public safety, time only lost 
(while his constant expenses run on) in disputes 
upon heads which he had as fully settled before his 
departure as the best precautions could enable him. 

*^ The Proprietary also further assures us, that 
had the three Bills been passed into Acts here with- 
out the Amendments, tliey would certainly have 
been vacated by Her Majesty, being looked on by 
men of skill, to whom they were shown, as great ab« 
, surdities. 

" If the Remonstrance was the act of the people 
truly represented, then it was the Proprietary's opi- 
nion, that such a proceeding was sufficient to cancel 
all obligations of care over them ; but if done by par- 
ticular persons only, and it was animposture in the 
name of the whole, he expected the Country would 
purge themselves, and take care that due satisfac- 
tion was given him." 

He added, " that the Proprietary {who^ it was 
xvell known^ had hitherto supported this Goveryi- 
fnent) had been frequently solicited, upon the treat- 
ment he had met with, to resign and throw up all 
without anv further care ; but his tenderness to 


those in the place, whom he knew to be still true 
and honest, prevailed with him to give the people 
yet an opportunity of showing what they would do 
before all was brought to a closing period ; but that 
he would be justified by all reasonable men for 
withdrawing the exercise of his care over those who, 
being so often invited to it, took so little of them- 

Soon after this. Governor Evans, not being able 
to make an impression upon the Assembly, dissolv- 
ed it, and at the time fixed by Charter he called a 
new one. During the sittings of the latter there 
was a better understanding on both sides, and seve- 
ral Laws were passed : but before the end of the 
year he became obnoxious to several of the most 
respectable of its members ; for he had joined with 
the Assembly for the Territories in some acts 
which seemed to have been rather levelled against 
the interest of the Province than to answer any 
good end. He had treated, too, the religious scru- 
ples of the Quakers agamst war as groundless and 
absurd ; and he had exhibited, as a man, a looseness 
and levity of character which was disgusting to a 
serious-minded people. 

In the year 1706 Governor Evans completed his 
unpopularity by two extraordinary acts. In order 
to succeed in his project of a militia he created a 
false alarm. It was contrived that a messenger 
should be sent to him from Newcastle to Philadel- 
phia, at the time of the Fair, to inform him that a 
number of vessels were then actually in the river for 


the purpose of invasion. Upon this news Evans 
acted his part. He sent his emissaries to spread 
consternation through the city, while he himself 
with a drawn sword rode through the streets in ap- 
parently great agitation of mind, and entreated and 
commanded by turns persons of all ranks to assist 
him in this emergency. The plot, having been 
thus executed, operated differently upon different 
people. Some fled ; others buried their property ; 
and others took up arms. Among the latter were 
only four Quakers. Soon after this the imposition 
was discovered ; and the consequence was, that he 
lost the good opinion of the Quakers and of many 
others from that day. 

The other transaction was as follows : The As- 
sembly for the Territories had passed a Law, on 
the suggestion of Evans, for the building of a Fort 
at Newcastle ; and they had enacted also, th^t all 
vessels coming from sea up the Delaware should 
pay a certain tax ; and that all masters of vessels, 
whether going up or down the River, should drop 
anchor at the Fort, and report their vessels, and get 
leave to pass, under a penalty of five pounds and so 
much for every shot fired at them in case of neglect. 
This law made him unpopular throughout the Pro- 
vince. The people there considered it as an infrac- 
tion of the Royal Charter, which gave them a right 
to the free use of the River and Bay without ob- 
struction from any quarter whatever; and they were 
determined to resist it. Accordingly, after the Fort 
had been built and the exactions paid by many, thre^^ 


Quakers, Richard Hill who was one of the Council, 
and Isaac Norris and Samuel Preston, men of the 
first station and character, went on board a sloop be- 
longing to Hill, and sailed down the River, and 
dropt anchor a little before they came to the Fort. 
Norris and Preston then landed to inform the Offi- 
cers in it, that the vessel had been regularly cleared ; 
after which they returned to her. When they got 
on board, Hill took the command of the sloop, stood 
to the helm, and passed the Fort, and this without 
receiving any damage, though a constant firing was 
kept up, and though the guns were pointed in such 
a direction that a shot went through the mainsail. 
As soon as the sloop was clear of the Fort, John 
French, the commander of it, put ofl^ in a boat, man- 
ned and armed, to bring her to. When he came 
alongside. Hill ordered a rope to be thrown to him ; 
upon which he fastened the boat, and then went on 
board. Upon this. Hill cut the rope, and the boat 
falling astern, he conducted French a prisoner to the 
cabin, and sailed away with him to Lord Cornbury, 
who happened then to be at Salem, a little lower 
down on the Jersey side of the river. Lord Corn- 
bury, having reprimanded French, dismissed him. 
Soon after this, Hill, accompanied by a large num- 
ber of the inhabitants of Philadelphia, attended the 
General Assembly, and laid a Petition before them. 
The consequence was, that the Assembly presented 
an Address to the Governor, in which they repro- 
bated the Law in question without one dissenting 


voice, and this in so strong a manner that no pro- 
ceedings of the like nature were continued* 

These transactions together made such a rupture 
between Evans and the Assembly, that there was 
nothing but jarring between them afterwards; so 
that when Evans sent to the Assembly the draught 
of a Bill, which he supposed necessary, the Assem- 
bly immediately rejected it ; and when the Assem- 
bly proposed another in its stead, Evans rejected it 
in his turn, remarking that it broke in upon the Pro- 
prietary's powers of Government, and his just inte- 
rests and rights. 

This opposition of the Governor to the Bill of the 
Assembly, and his remarks upon it, very much dis- 
pleased them ; and, as if they had something to let 
out by way of revenge, but no one to vent it upon, 
they brought against James Logan, one of the Coun- 
cil and the public Secretary of the Government, a 
number of accusations, which they styled articles of 
impeachment ; but here they were foiled ; for through 
Evans's management, and his protection of Logan, 
they were not able to effect any thing against the 
latter either by way of censure or removal from 

Having been now twice worsted, they drew up in 
1707 a Remonstrance, a second time, against Go- 
vernor Evans, and sent it to Wiiliiim Penn. It was 
a sort of catalogue of the particulars of his mal-ad- 
ministration, which included the false alarm, the 
storv of the sloop and the Fort as before mentioned, 
and twelve other charges. 


On the first of October, the day of election accord- 
ing to the Charter, the choice falling upon most of 
the old members, there was the same want of cordi- 
ality, or rather the same discord, between the par- 
ties as before ; so that very little was done in thai 

In the beginning of 1708, William Penn, having 
received the second remonstrance of the Assembly 
against Governor Evans, also letters from the latter 
in his ov/n vindication, as v/ell as several from others, 
who took their respective sides as they felt them- 
selves influenced by facts and circumstances, took 
the case into his most serious consideration, with a 
determination to do justice to all parties, and at the 
same time to consult the true interest and welfare of 
the Province, The result was, that he found him- 
self under the necessity of recalling Governor Evans. 
Accordingly a letter was dispatched to him to this 
effect. It reached him in due time at Philadelphia, 
and he left his Deputy Government in consequence 
in the same vear. 

VOL. lu X 

i^oO MKiMOlRS Oil THE Llf £ 


A. 1709-10-1 1-12 — is obliged to mortgage his Pro- 
vince — causes of this obligation — travels again in 
the ministry — writes a Preface to the " Dis- 
courses ofBulstrode Whitelocke'*'^ — constitution be- 
gins to break — removes to Rushcomb in Berkshire 
•-^determines upon parting with his Province — 
hut is prevented by illness — writes a Preface to 
the ^' Works of John Banks'*"* — has three apoplectic 
fits — affairs of Pennsylvania. 

In ir09 William Penn submitted to a painful act 
for the sake of justice. His pecuniary embarrass- 
ments were such as to oblige him to mortgage his 
Province of Pennsylvania for 6,600/. The money 
was advanced him by his friends, but principally by 
those who were of his own religious Society. 

One of the most remote causes of his embarrass- 
ment, indeed the great and continually operating 
one, was the expenditure of money for the good of 
the Province, without those pecuniary returns to 
which he was entitled. Oldmixon, who was cotem- 
porary with him, and who published his ^^ Account 
of the British Empire in America" only the preced- 
ing year, speaks on the subject thus : " We shall 
not enter into any enquiries into the causes of the 
trouble that has been given Mr. Penn lately about 
the Province of Pennsylvania : it appears to us, by 


what we have heard of it from others, for from him- 
self we never had any information concerning it, 
that he has been involved in it by his bounty to the 
Indians, his generosity in minding the public affairs 
of the Colonv more than his own private ones, his 
humanity to those who have not made suitable re- 
turns, his confidence in th(»se who have betrayed 
him, and the rigour of the severest equity, a word 
that borders the nearest to injustice of any. 'Tis 
certainly the duty of this Colony to maintain the 
Proprietary, who has laid out his all for the mainte- 
nance of them, in the possession of his Territory ; 
and public gratitude ought to make good what they 
reap the benefit of. This is all said out of justice 
to the merit of this gentleman, otherwise it would 
have been w^ithout his consent." But though this 
was the first and great cause ; yet that which added 
to it, and brought on the present distress, was the 
unexpected demand of the executors of his steward 
Ford, and the issue of the suit in Chancery as be- 
fore mentioned. It apj^ears, from the best informa- 
tion I have been able to collect on this subject, that 
William Penn had behaved to Ford during his life- 
time with great kindness and liberality ; and that, 
not suspecting one whom he had both so eminently 
trusted and served, he had incautiously and without 
due inspection put his hand to papers, as mere mat- 
ters of course, v/hich his steward had laid before 
him to sign. Hence the law could give him no re- 
lief. But whatever was the history of the transac- 
tion, the steward lost his reputation by it. James 

232 :me:moirs of the life 

Logan, who was Secretary to the Government of 
Pennsylvania, and who knew the whole of the case, 
and who had occasion to allude to it in a manuscript 
found after his death, stigmatizes the act by " the 
fraud and treachery of his steward," and in the 
same language it was generally spoken of at the 

Having raised the money, and thereby removed 
some of his difficulties, he travelled as a minister of 
the Gospel to the West of England, and visited also 
in the same capacity the counties of Berks, Buck- 
ingham, and Surry, and other places. He wrote 
this year " Some Account of the Life and Writings 
of Bulstrode Whitelocke, Esq. prefixed to his Me- 
morials of English Affairs to the Ead of the Reigu 
of King James the First, now published from hi§ 
original Manuscript." William Penn had for many 
years been acquainted with this great and venerable 

In this year we first hear of the failure of his con- 
stitution. It is noticed by Besse, the author of the 
first History of his Life, who says that the infirmi- 
ties of old age began to visit him, and to lessen his 
wonted powers. It is noticed also by Oldmixon, 
in his second edition of his account of the British 
Empire in America, who speaks thus : *' The trou- 
bles that befel Mr. Penn in the latter part of his 
life are of a nature too private to have a place in a 
public history. He trusted an ungrateful, unjust 
agent too much with the management of it ; and, 
when he expected to have been thousands of pounds 


the better for it, found himself thousands of pounds 
in debt ; insomuch that he was restrained of his 
liberty within the privilege of the Fleet, by a tedi- 
ous and unsuccessful law-suit ; which, together with 
age, broke his spirits not easy to be broken, and ren- 
dered him incapable of business and society as he 
was wont to have been in the days of his health and 
vigour both of body and mind." 

This intelligence respecting his health, though It 
bursts thus suddenly upon us, ought not to surprise 
us. It is not wonderful, that symptoms of decline 
should have begun to show themselves in his consti* 
tution, at the age of sixty-seven, and more particu- 
larly when we consider the distressing scenes he 
experienced in this and the preceding year. In the 
former year he had to contrast his own unsuspicious 
and generous conduct with the treachery of his 
steward. He had to lament the failure of his suit 
in Chancery, both as it embarrassed his pecuniary 
affairs, and as it might injure his reputation. He 
had the mortification to see himself a prisoner 
v/idiin the limits of the Fleet. He had been afRicted 
by the renewal and continuation of bitter dissen- 
tions between the Assembly of Pennsylvania and 
his Deputy Governor. He had been under the 
painful task of removing the latter ; and in the })re- 
sent year he had been compelled to mortgage- his 
Province. These were Causes which could not but 
have affected him. Religion and philosophy have 
undoubtedly the power of blunting the *-dix' <;f our 
afflictions, and of making them more bearable ; but 


they cannot alter the law of our mortality, or secure 
us from that decay to which we are liable from our 

For 1710 we have but a slender account of his 
proceedings. We trace him once at the Prime 
Minister's, Robert Harley, afterward Earl of Ox- 
ford, with whom he was very intimate, and at whose 
house he then dined: but the a^.r near London not suit- 
ing his declining constitution, he took a handsome 
seat at Rushcomb,nearTwiford,in Berkshire, where 
he resided during the remainder of his life. After 
his removal to this place we find him at Reading 
Monthly Meeting, for he signed among others the 
testimony concerning Oliver Sansom there. 

In 1711 he went to London for a few days. He 
was seen at Whitehall, attended by several of the 
Society. He had gone in company with these to 
wait upon the Duke of Osmond on his return from 
his Lord Lieutenancy in Ireland, to thank him for 
his kindness towards his fellow-members during his 
administration there. In this year the works of one 
of his ancient Friends, John Banks, being ready for 
the press, he dictated to a person^ as he walked up 
and down the room with a cane in his hand, an ex- 
cellent Preface to the same, which was the last piece 
he ever published^ and which carried with it its own 
evidence, that it could have been written by no other 
than a highly experienced Christian. It ran thusi 
" Friendly Reader, 

" The labours of the servants of God ought al« 
ways to be precious in the eyes of his people, and 


for that reason the very fragments of their services 
are not to be lost, but to be gathered up for edifica- 
tion ; and that is the cause why we expose the fol- 
lowing Discourses to public view: and I hope it 
will please God to make them effectual to such as 
seriously peruse them, since w^e have always found 
the Lord ready to second the services of his wor- 
thies upon the spirits of the readers, not suffering 
that which is his own to go without a voucher in 
every conscience, I mean those divine truths it has 
pleased him to reveal among his children by his 
own blessed Spirit, without which no man can 
rightly perceive the things of God, or be truly 
!:.piritually minded, which is life and peace. And 
this indeed is the only beneficial evidence of hea- 
venly truths, which made that excellent aposde 
say in his day, IVe know that we are of God^ and 
that the xvhole world Ikth in wickedness : for in that 
day true Religion and undefiled before God and 
the Father consisted in visiting the fatherless and 
widows in their affiictions, and keeping unspotted 
from the world, hot only a godly tradition of what 
others have enjoyed, but the experimental enjoy- 
ment and knowledge thereof, by the operation of 
the Divine Power in their own hearts, which makes 
up the inward Jew and accomplished Christian, 
whose praise is not of men, but of God : such are 
Christians of Christ's making, that can say with the 
apostle, It is not we that live, but Christ that liveth 
in us, dying daily to self, and rising up, through 
faith in the Son of God, to newness of life. JHere 


formality bows to reality, memory to feeling, letter 
to spirit, and form 'to power; which brings to the 
regeneration, without which no man can inherit the 
kingdom of God ; and by which he is enabled in 
every estate to cry Abba Father. Thou'lt see a 
great deal of this in the following author's writings; 
and that he rightly began with a just distinction be- 
tween true wisdom and the fame of wisdom, what 
was of God and taught of God, and of man and 
taught by man, which at best is a sandy foundation 
for religion to be built upon, or rather the faith and 
hope of man in reference to religion, and salvation 
by it. And O that none who mak^ profession of 
the dispensation of the Spirit may build beside the 
work of Jesus Christ in their own souls, in reference 
to his prophetical, priestly, and kingly office, in 
which regard God his Father gave him as a tried 
stone, elect and precious, to build by and upon ; con- 
cerning which great and glorious truth we do most 
humbly beseech the Almighty, who is God of the 
spirits of all flesh, the Father of Lights and Spirits, 
to ground and establish all his visited and convinced 
ones, that they may grow up an holy house and 
building to the Lord ; so shall purity, peace, and 
charity abound in the house and sanctuary that he 
hath pitched and not man. 

" Now as to this worthy man, the author of the 
following treatises, I hope I may without offence 
say, his memorial is blessed, having known him 
above forty years an heavenly minister of experi- 
mental religion, of a sound judgment and pious 


practice, valiant for the Truth upon the earth, and 
ready to serve all in the love and peace of the Gos- 
pel. He was amongst the first in Cumberland that 
received the glad tidings of it, and then readily gave 
up, with other brethren, to declare to others what 
the Lord had done for their souls. 

" Thus I first met him ; and as I received his tes- 
timony through the Saviour of life, so I was kindly 
accepted and encouraged by him in the belief of 
the blessed testimony of the light, spirit, grace, and 
truth of Christ in the inward parts, reproving, in- 
structing, reforming, and redeeming those souls 
from the evil of the world, that were obedient there- 
unto. Here he was a strength to my soul, in the 
early days of my convincement, together with his 
dear and faithful friend, brother, and fellow-travel- 
ler, John Wilkinson of Cumberland, formerly a very 
zealous and able Independent minister. 

" And as I hope this piece .of labour of our an- 
cient friend and brother will find acceptance every 
where j^mong God's people, so I hope it will he 
more especially acceptable in the North, where he 
began and had his early services ; and in the West, 
where they were witnesses of his care to preserve 
good order in the church. 

'' Now, reader, before I take my leave of thee, 
let me advise thee to hold thy religion in the Spirit, 
whether thou prayest, praisest, or ministrest to 
others; go forth in the ability God giveth thee; 
presume not to awaken thy beloved before his time; 
be not thy own in thy performances, but the Lord's ; 


and thou shalt not hold the truth in unrighteousness, 
as too many do, but according to the oracle of God, 
that will never leave nor forsake them who will take 
counsel at it ; which that all God's people may do, 
is and hath long been the earnest desire and fervent 
supplication of their and thy faithful Friend in the 
. Lord Jesus Christ, 

" William Penn. 
" London, 23d of the 12th 
month, 1711." 

It appears that he also wrote about this time an 
Introduction (entitled An Epistle to the Reader) 
to some Discourses of his before-mentioned much 
valued Friend, Bulstrode Whitelocke, which were 
published this j^ear. 

In 1712 he made up his mind to part with his 
Province to Government; for which he asked the 
sum of 20,000/. Queen Anne referred his demand 
to the Lords Commissioners of Trade and Planta- 
tions, who were to report to the Lords Commission- 
ers of the Treasury. An agreement was made in 
consequence for 1 2,000/. ; but the bad and danger- 
ous state of his health during this year prevented 
the execution of it. He was seized at distant times 
with three several fits said to be apoplectic, the lat- 
ter of which was so severe that it was with difficulty 
that he survived it. It so shattered his understand- 
ing and memory, that he was left scarcely fit to 
manage at times the most trifling of his private 


As to his American affairs, after the recall of 
Evans he appointed Charles Gookin his Deputy 
Governor, to whom he gave letters of introduction 
to his Friends in Philadelphia, expressive of his 
excellent character. Gookin, it appears, arrived 
there in 1709, and while the Assembly were sitting. 
They presented him almost immediately with an 
Address, in which " they congratulated his season- 
able accession to the Government." This Address 
was however extremely injudicious in the latter 
part of it ; for, instead of passing over all subjects 
connected with former disputes, so that at least 
their first act might breathe the spirit of peace and 
good will, they brought to his notice what they 
called their old grievances with an expectation of 
redress from him, and this in matters of which it 
would have been but fair to presume he could have 
known nothing, and which it was totally out of his 
power to remedy. 

This Address produced the effect which it was na- 
tural to expect from it ; for, first, it offended the Go- 
vernor at thevery outset of his public career. It would 
have proved, he said, a much greater satisfaction to 
him, if at this first time of his speaking to them he 
had had nothing to take notice of but what he him- 
self might have had to lay before them. The Coun- 
cil too took umbrage at the Address, on account of 
expressions in it, which they supposed the Assem- 
bly had levelled against them, particularly the words 
"evil counsel:" and they complained to the Go- 
vernor accordingly; They of all others, they s^id, 


least merited this reproach, who had served the 
State with their best advice for years, xvii/iout ever 
having received salary^ or allowance^ or office of 
profit of any kind. Thus unhappily all their ani- 
mosities were at their first intercourse with each 
other revived. 

In June Governor Gookin, in consequence of 
letters from the Queen, who had fitted out an ex- 
pedition for the retaking of Newfoundland and the 
capture of Canada, convened the Assembly. He 
requested of them a hundred and fifty soldiers, as 
the quota for the Province j but as many of the in- 
habitants were hindered by their principles from 
bearing arms, he engaged, if they would vote the 
sum of four thousand pounds for this purpose, to 
raise and equip the men. The Assembly replied, 
that *^ were it not that thie raising of money to hire 
men to fight, or kill one another, was matter of coin- 
science to them and against their religious tenets, 
they should not be wanting according to their abili- 
ties to contribute to those designs. They express- 
ed however their loyalty to the Queen, and added, 
that, though they could not conscientiously comply 
with her request, yet out of gratitude to her they 
had resolved to present her with five hundred 
pounds." With this proposal the Governor was 
dissatisfied. Messages passed in consequence be- 
tween him and the Assembly ; when the latter, to 
get rid of them, adjourned to the middle of August. 

The adjournment had not elapsed when the 
Governor convened them again. The old as well 

OF WILLtAM PeuS* 241 

as new topics were now started. Among the latter 
he informed them, that there was no provision for 
his (the Deputy Governor's) support, a burthen 
which the Proprietor, in consequence of his hard 
treatment from some whom he had too far trusted 
(Ford), was not able of himself to bear. Upon this 
the Assembly added three hundred to the five 
hundred pounds before voted to the Queen, and 
two hundred toward the maintenance of the Gover- 
nor : but this they did not do without stating, that 
.they expected him to call James Logan to account, 
as well as to concur in the passing of certain Bills, 
which had been prepared by former Assemblies 
and agreed to by the present. The Governor re- 
plied, that his instructions would not allow him to 
agree to Bills which broke in either upon the Pro- 
prietary's power of government or his just interest ; 
but he advised them to reconsider the Bills in ques- 
tion, and he would pass all those which he could 
conscientiously sanction. 

The Assembly at their next Session, instead of 
reconsidering the Bills as had been recommended 
to them in the preceding, pressed them upon the 
Governor in their former objectionable shape ; the 
consequence of which was, that he refused to pass 
them. It appeared too by his speech on the oc- 
casion, that he was not allowed to pass any Bill 
without the approbation of the Council. This 
declaration inflamed the Assembly again. They 
immediately sent hinv a Remonstrance, in which 
they pronounced the restriction, which had been 



put upon him, to be contrary to the Royal Charter ; 
and they inveighed against James Logan as the 
author of all their grievances ; so that this Session 
ended also to the irritation of both parties, and to 
the profit of neither. 

In October a new election took place, when the 
same members were mostly returned. The Gover- 
nor pressed upon them a provision for the Lieu- 
tenancy of the Government. He entreated them, 
though he wished to take no retrospect of what was 
past, to abstain from all irritating expressions in, 
their Addresses, such as those of evil couiisel^ grie- 
vances^ and oppressions^ words which he was sure 
were understood by none of them practically. With 
respect to James Logan, he had read his written 
defence, in which he charged their own Speaker 
with proceedings, which, if true, would require the 
consideration of the House. To this they replied, 
that they had it under consideration to make a 
proper provision for the Deputy Governor's sup- 
port ; but according to the fundamental laws of the 
English Constitution, they were not obliged to con- 
tribute to the support of that Administration which 
afforded them no redress when their rights were 
violated. They then repeated all the irritating ex- 
pressions before mentioned, which they justified; 
and contended, that if he (the Deputy Governor) 
believed Logan's charges against their Speaker, he 
ought not to have approved of the latter when they 
had chosen him. After this the Governor went to 


Newcastle, to preside over the Assembly for the 
Territories there. 

In November the Assembly for the Province 
met again. James Logan, who was going to Eng- 
land for a time, petitioned them that he might be 
tried upon the impeachment of a former Assembly 
in 1 r06. Upon this they resolved to take into con- 
sideration his defence as well as charge against 
their own Speaker : but instead of going properly 
into either, they issued a warrant, signed by their 
own Speaker, for apprehending and putting Logan 
in gaol. This they issued for his offence in reflect- 
ing upon sundry members of the House in particu- 
lar, and the whole House in general; but by a 
supersedeas from the Governor the execution of it 
was prevented. The Assembly in return pro- 
nounced the supersedeas an illegal and arbitrary 
measure : and hence the animosities on both sideg 
were continued with renewed vigour. 

James Logan, after this, proceeded to England, 
where he arrived early in 1710. He was the bearer 
of all these unpleasant proceedings to William 
Penn, before whom he cleared himself to entire 
satisfaction. The news which he carried him 
would have been distressing at any time, but more 
particularly at the present, when his constitution had 
begun so materially to fail. William Penn, how- 
ever, summoning all his strength and faculties, made 
an efforUto write a letter to the Assembly, of which 
the following is a copy. I could wish the reader to 
observe, that he was then in his seventieth year. 


*' London, 29th 4th month, 1710. 
" Mr OLD Friends^ 

'' It is a mournful consideration, and the cause of 
deep affliction to me, that I am forced, by the op- 
pressions and disappointments, which have fallen to 
my share in this life, to speak to the people of that 
Province in a language I once hoped I sh*juld never 
have had occasion to use. But the many troubles 
and oppositions that I have met with from thence, 
oblige me, in pl^inijess and freedom, to expostulate 
with you concerning the causes of them. 

*' When it pleased God to open a way for me to 
settle that colony, I had reason to expect a solid 
comfort from the services done to many hundreds 
of people ; and it was no small satisfaction to me, 
that I have not been disappointed in seeing them 
prosper, and gr©wing up to a flourishing country, 
blessed with liberty, ease, and plenty, beyond what 
many of themselves could expect, and wanting 
nothing to make themselves happy, but what with a 
right temper of mind and prudent conduct they 
might give themselves. But, alas ! as to my part, 
instead of reaping the like advantages, some of the 
greatest of my troubles have arisen from thence. 
The many combats I have engaged in, the great 
pains and incredible expense for your welfare and 
ease to the decay of my former estate, of which 
(however some there would represent it) I too 
sensibly feel the effects, with the undeserved op- 
position I have met with from thence, sink me into 
sorrow, that, if not supported by a superior hand. 


might have overwhelmed me long ago. And I 
cannot but think it hard measure, that, while that 
has proved a land of freedom and flourishing, it 
should become to me, by whose means it was prin- 
cipally made a country, the cause of grief, trouble, 
and poverty. 

" For this reason I must desire you all, even of 
all professions and degrees (for although all have 
not been engaged in the measures that have been 
taken, yet every man who has an interest there is or 
must be concerned in them by their effects), I must 
therefore, I say, desire you all, in a serious and true 
weightiness of mind, to consider what you are, or 
have been, doing ; why matters must be carried on 
with these divisions and contentions ; and what real 
causes have been given, on my side, for that op- 
position to me and my interest, which I have met 
with, as if 1 were an enemy, and not a friend, after 
all I have done and spent both here and there : I am 
sure I know not of any cause whatsoever. Were I 
sensible you really wanted any thing of me, in the 
relation between us, that would make you happier, 
I should readily grant it, if any reasonable man 
would say it were fit for you to demand, provided 
you would also take such measures as were fit for 
me to join with. 

'" Before any one family had transported them- 
selves thither, I earnestly endeavoured to form such 
a model of Government as might make all concern- 
ed in it easy ; which, nevertheless, was subject to be 
altered as there should be occasion. Soon after we 


got over that model appeared, in some parts of it, to 
be very inconvenient, if not impracticable. The 
numbers of members, both in the Council and As- 
sembly, were much too large. Some other matters 
also proved inconsistent with the King's Charter to 
me ; so that, according to the power reserved for an 
alteration, there was a necessity to make one, in 
which, if the lower counties (the Territories) were 
brought in, it was well known, at that time, to be on 
a view of advantage to the Province itself, as well 
as to the people of those counties, and to the general 
satisfaction of those concerned, without the least ap- 
prehension of any irregularity in the method. 

*' Upon this they had another Charter passed, 
nemine contradzcente ; which I always desired might 
be continued while you yourselves would keep.up to 
it and put it in practice ; and many there know much 
it was against my will, that, upon my last going 
over, it was vacated. But after this was laid aside 
(which indeed was begun by yourselves in Colonel 
Fletcher's time) I, according to my engagement, 
left another, with all the privileges that were found 
convenient for your good government ; and, if any 
part of it has been in any case infringed, it was ne- 
ver by my approbation. I desired it might be en- 
joyed fully. But though privileges ought to be ten- 
derly preserved, they should not, on the other hand, 
be asserted under that name to a licentiousness : the 
design of Government is to preserve good order, 
which may be equally broke in upon by the turbu- 
lei)t ei)deavour3 of the People, as well as the over:- 


Straining of power in a Governor, I designed the 
people should be secured of an annual fixed election 
and Assembly ; and that they should have the same 
privileges in it, that any other Assembly has in the 
Queen's dominions ; among all which this is one con- 
stant rule, as in the Parliament here, that they should 
sit on their own adjournments : but to strain this ex- 
pression to a power to meet at all times during the 
year, without the Governor's concurrence, would 
be to distort Government, to break the due propor- 
tion of the parts of it, to establish confusion in the 
place of necessary order, and make the legislative 
the executive part of Government. Yet, for obtain- 
ing this power, I perceive, much time and money 
has been spent, and great struggles have been made, 
not only for this, but some other things that cannot 
at all be for the advantage of the people to be pos- 
sessed of; particularly the appointing of Judges; 
because the administration might, by such means, 
be so clogged, that it would be difficult, if possible, 
under our circumstances, at some times to support 
it. As for my own part, as I desire nothing more 
than the tranquillity and prosperity of the Province 
and Government in all its branches, could I see that 
any of these things that have been contended for 
would certainly promote these ends, it would be a 
matter of indifference to me how they were settled. 
But seeing the frame of every Government ought to 
be regular in itself, well proportioned and subordi- 
nate in its parts, and every branch of it invested with 
sufficient power to discharge its respective duty for 


the support of the whole ; I have cause to believe 
that nothing could be more destructive to it, than to 
take so much of the provision and executive part of 
the Government out of the Governor's hands and 
lodge it in an uncertain collective body ; and more 
especially since our Government is dependent, and 
I am answerable to the Crown, if the administration 
should faiV, and a stop be put to the course of jus- 
tice. On these considerations, I cannot think it pru- 
dent in the people to crave these powers ; because 
not only I, but they themselves, would be in danger 
of suffering by it. Could I believe otherwise, I 
should not be against granting any thing of this 
kind, that were asked of me with any degree of com- 
mon prudence and civility. But, instead of finding 
cause to believe the contentions that have been rais- 
ed about these matters, have proceeded only from 
mistakes of judgment, with an earnest desire not- 
withstanding at the bottom to serve the public (which 
I hope has still been the inducement of several con- 
cerned in them), I have had but too sorrowful a 
view and sight to complain of the manner in which 
I have been treated. The attacks on my reputa- 
tion ; the many indignities put upon me in papers 
sent over hither into the hands of those, who could 
not be expected to make the most discreet and cha- 
ritable use of them ; the secret insinuations against 
my justice ; besides the attempt made upon my 
estate ; resolves past in the Assemblies for turning 
my quitrents, never sold by me, to the support of 
Government j my lands entered upon without any 


regular method ; my manors invaded (under pre- 
tence I had not duly surveyed them), and both these 
by persons principally concerned in these attempts 
against me here ; a right to my overplus land unjust- 
ly claimed by the possessors of the tracts in which 
they are found ; my private estate continually t x- 
hausting for the support of that Government, both 
here and there, and no provision made for it bv that 
country; to all which I cannot but add the violence 
that has been particularly shown to my Secretary/ ; 
of which (though I shall by no means protect him in 
any thing he can justly be charged with, but suffer 
him to stand or fall by his own actions) I cannot but 
thus far take notice, that, from all the charges I 
have seen or heard of against him, I have cause to 
believe, that had he been as much in opp>osition to 
me, as he has been understood to stand for me, he 
might have met with a milder treatment from his 
persecutors ; and to think that any man should be- 
the more exposed there on my account, and, instead 
of finding favour, meet with enmity, for his being 
engaged in my service, is a melancholy considera- 
tion ! In short, when I reflect on all these heads, 
of which I have so much cause to complain, and at 
the same time think of the hardships I and my suf- 
fering family have been reduced to, in no small mea- 
sure owing to my endeavours for, and disappoint- 
ments from, that Province ; I cannot but mourn the, 
unhappiness of my portion, dealt to me from those, 
of whom I had reason to expect much better and 
different things ; nor can I but lament the unhappi- 


ness that too many of them are bringing on them- 
selves, who, instead of pursuing the amicable ways 
of peace, love, and unity, which I at first hoped to 
find in that retirement, are cherishing a spirit of con- 
tention and opposition, and, blind to their own inte- 
pest, are oversetting that foundation on which your 
happiness might be built. 

*' Friends ! the eyes of many are upon you ; the 
people of many nations of Europe look on that 
Country as a land of ease and quiet, wishing to 
themselves in vain the same blessings they conceive 
you may enjoy : but, to see the use you make of 
them is no less the cause of surprise to others, while 
such bitter complaints and reflections are seen to 
come from you, of which it is difficult to conceive 
even the sense or meaning. Where are the dis- 
tresses, grievances, and oppressions, that the paper3, 
sent from thence, so often say you languish under, 
while others have cause to believe you have hither- 
to lived, or might live, the happiest of any in the 
Queen's dominions ? 

" Is it such a grievous oppression, that the 
Courts are established by my power, founded on 
the King's Charter, without a law of your making, 
when upon the same plan you propose ? If this dis- 
turb any, take the advice of other able lawyers on 
the main, without tying me up to the opinion of 
principally one man, w^hom I cannot think so very 
proper to direct in my affairs (for I believe the late 
Assembly have had but that one lawyer amongst 
them), and I am freely content you should have any 


law that, by proper judges, should be found suita- 
ble. Is it your oppression that the Officers' fees 
are not settled by an Act of Assembly ? No man 
can be a greater enemy to extortion than myself. 
Do, therefore, allow such fees as may reasonably 
encourage fit persons to undertake these offices, and 
you shall soon have (and should have always cheer- 
fully had) mine, and, I hope, my Lieutenant's con- 
currence and approbation. Is it such an oppression 
that licenses for public-houses have not been 
settled, as has been proposed t It is a certain sign 
you are strangers to oppression, and know nothing 
but the name, when you so highly bestow it on 
matters so inconsiderable : but that business I find 
is adjusted. Could I know any real oppression you 
lie under, that it is in my power to remedy, (and 
what I wish you would take proper measures to 
remedy, if you truly feel any such,) I would be as 
ready on my part to remove them as you to desire 
it ; but, according to the best judgment I can 
make of the complaints I have seen (and you once 
thought I had a pretty good one), I must in a deep 
sense of sorrow say, that I fear the kind hand of 
Providence, that has so long favoured and pro- 
tected you, will, by the ingratitude of many there to 
the great mercies of God hitherto shown them, be 
at length provoked to convince them of their un- 
worthiness ; lad, by changing the blessings, that so 
little care has been taken by the public to deserve, 
into^ caL^mi ies, reduce those that have been so 
clamorous and causelessly discontented to a true 


but smarting sense of their duty. 1 write not this 
with a design to include all : I doubt not many of 
you have been burthened at, and can by no means 
join in, the measures that have been taken; but 
while such things appear under the name of an As- 
sembly, that ought to represent the whole, I cannot 
but speak more generally than I would desire, 
though I am not insensible what methods ma\ be 
used to obtain the weight of such a name. 

" I have already been tedious, and shall now 
therefore briefly say, that the opposition I have met 
with from thence must at length force me to con- 
sider more closely of my own private and sinking 
circumstances in relation to that Province. In the 
mean time, I desire you all seriously to weigh what 
I have wrote, together with your duty to your- 
selves, to me, and to the world, who have their eyes 
upon you, and are witnesses of my early and earnest 
care for you. I must think there is a regard due to 
me that has not of late been paid ; pray consider of 
it fully, and think soberly what you have to desire 
of me on the one hand, and ought to perform to me 
on the other ; for from the next Assembly I shall 
expect to know what you resolve, and what I may 
depend on. If I must continue my regards to you, 
let me be engaged to it by a like disposition in you 
towards me. But if a plurality, after this, shall 
think they owe me none, or no more than for some 
years I have met with, let it, on a fair Election, be 
so declared ; and I shall then, without further sus- 
pense, know what I have to rely upon. God give 


you his wisdom and fear to direct you, that yet oui 
poor Country may be blessed with peace, love, and 
industry, and we may once more meet good friends, 
and live so to the end, our relation in the Trudt 
having but the same true interest. 

" I am, with great truth and most sincere regard, 
your real Friend as well as just Proprietor and 

" William Penn.'' 

This letter arrived safe. What answer was re- 
turned to it does not appear : but the result of it is 
well known ; for, however there might be some 
who thought the Proprietor had not conducted 
himself properly in all respects towards them, yet 
the serious nature of it affected the considerate part 
of the Assembly, so that they began now to feel for 
the Father of his Country, to pity him in his declin- 
ing years, and to put a just value upon his labours, 
which had been expended indeed in their service. 
This sentiment spread as the contents of the letter 
became known, so as at length to affect the whole 
Province ; the consequence of which was, that at 
the next annual Election in October not one of those 
Members was returned xuho had served in the pre- 
ceding year. This was the greatest compliment 
that the Province could at this time have paid him. 
It was in fact a national answer to, and a national 
compliance with, his letter : " for if,'^ said he in 
that letter, as we have just read, '' a plurality, after 
this, shall think they owe me no regard, or no more 
than for some years I have met with, let it, on a fair 
vol. !!• Z 


Election, be so declared ; and I shall then, without 
further suspense, know what I have to rely upon." 

The new Members having been elected, and 
duly qualified to act, Governor Gookin met them 
in Assembly, Great harmony is said to have sub- 
sisted between them and the Governor, such as had 
not been witnessed for years, so that many Laws 
were agreed upon and passed to the satisfaction of 
all the branches of the Legislature. 

In the early part of 1711, the Governor, having 
received an express from England respecting the 
expedition against Canada, convened the same As- 
sembly. He proposed to them, as he had done to 
their predecessors, the raising and equipment of a 
certain number of men, or that they would vote a 
sum equivalent to the purpose. They expressed 
their regret, that on account of their religious prin- 
ciples they could not comply with his request ; but 
they voted two thousand pounds as a present to the 
Queen, and passed a Bill for the raising of it. 

In the October follov;ing the Election came on 
again. Sev^eral of those who were in the Assembly 
of 1709 were chosen, but the House retained its 
last Speaker. Governor Gookin informed them, 
that the Proprietary had desired him to signify to 
them the pleasure which their harmonious conduct 
of late had given him, and that he should be glad to 
serve the people of the Province ; and that he left it 
to themselves to think of the means that might best 
conduce to their own quiet and interest. He offer- 
ed at the same time his own ready concurrence to 


any thing of that nature which they should propose 
consistent with the honour and interest of the 
Crown, of the Proprietary, and of the public 
welfare. He concluded his Address to them by 
recommending them to think of a proper provision 
for his own support. 

In return to this, the Assembly acknowledged 
the kind regard of the Proprietor towards them ; 
they thanked the Governor for his ow^n readiness to 
concur in the propositions of the latter, and they 
promised to take care of his support ; which they 
did afterwards to his satisfaction. 

But here it will be necessary to conclude our 
history of the Province : for William Penn having 
lost in a great degree his memory and understand- 
ing by an apoplectic fit in the ensuing year, we can 
have no motive for continuing it. While he was in 
his health and senses we saw him move and act. 
We saw him advise and direct. We took there- 
fore an interest in v/hat he did. But when he was 
rendered mcapable of acting, w^e lose our interest 
with Viis powtrs. And the same may be said rela- 
tive to himself; for, when he was rendered incapa- 
ble of his usual perceptions, the Province became as 
de^.d to hi rn in point of interrBt. as without his 
movements and motives it becomes to ua. 



A. 1713-14-15-16-17-18— .^m^wfl:% declines— ac- 
count of him during- this period — dies at Rush- 
comb — concourse of people at his funeral^— malevo- 
lent report concerning him after his death — cer- 
tificates of Simon Clement and Hannah Mitchell — 
short account of his will. 

The account which we have of William Penn 
from this time, though authentic as far as it goes, is 
very short. It is stated in Besse's History of his 
Life, that one of his intimate Friends visited him 
once every year from the present period ; and it is 
chiefly from him, that is, from the memorandums 
he left behind him of these visits, that I have been 
enabled to continue it. 

In 1713 the Friend alluded to, being at his bouse 
some days, " found him to appearance pretty well 
in health, and cheerful of disposition, but defective 
in memory ; so that though he could relate many 
past transactions, yet he could not readily recollect 
the names of absent persons, nor could he deliver 
his words so readily as heretofore : yet many 
savoury and sensible expressions came from him, 
rendering his company even yet acceptable, and 
manifesting the religious stability of his mind." 

The same Friend in his second visit, which he 
made to him in the spring of 1714, found him very 


little altered from what he had been last year. He 
accompanied him in his carriage to Reading meet- 
ing. He describes him as rising up there to exhort 
those present ; as speaking several sensible senten- 
ces, though not able to say much ; and, on leaving 
the meeting to return home, as taking leave of his 
friends with much tenderness. This, as I observed 
before, was in the spring ; but we learn something 
more concerning him from another quarter in the 
autumn of the same year. His old friend Tliomas 
Story arrived at this time in England, and went to 
Rushcomb to see him. The account he gives of 
him is as follows : '^ He was then," says Thomas 
Story, " under the lamentable effects of an apoplec- 
tic fit, which he had had some time before ; for his 
memory was almost quite lost, and the use of his 
understanding suspended, so that he was not so con- 
versible as formerly, and yet as near the Truth, in 
the love of it, as before, wherein appeared the great 
mercy and favour of God, who looks not as man 
looks ; for though to some this accident might look 
like judgment, and no doubt his enemies so ac- 
counted it, yet it will bear quite another interpreta- 
tion, if it be considered how litde time of rest he 
ever had from the importunities of the affairs of 
others, to the great hurt of his own and suspension 
of all his enjoyments, till this happened to him, by 
which he was rendered incapable of all business, 
and yet sensible of the enjoyment of Truth as at any 
time in all his life. When I went to the house I 
though myself strong enough to see him in that 


condition; but when I entered the room, and per- 
ceived the great defect of his expressions for want 
of memory, it greatly bowed my spirit under a con- 
sideration of the uncertainty of all human qualifica- 
tions, and what the finest of men are soon reduced 
to by a disorder of the organs of that body, with 
which the soul is connected and acts during this 
present mode of being. When these are but a 
little obstructed in their various functions, a man of 
the clearest parts and finest expression becomes 
scarcely intelligible. Nevertheless, no insanity or 
lunacy at all appeared in his actions ; and his mind 
was in an innocent state, as appeared by his very 
loving deportment to all that came near him ; and 
that he had still a good sense of Truth is plain by 
some very clear sentences he spoke m the life and 
power of Truth in an evening-meeting we had toge- 
ther there, wherein we were greatly comforted ; so 
that I w^as ready to think this was a sort of seques- 
tration of him from all the concerns of this life 
which so much oppressed him, not in judgment, 
but in mercy, tliat he might have rest, and not be 
oppressed thereby to the end.'^ 

In 1715 his intimate friend before alluded to again 
visited him. His memory, it appears, had become 
yet more deficient, but his love and sense of religi- 
ous enjoyments apparently continued; for he still 
often went in his chariot to the meeting at Reading, 
and there sometimes uttered short but very sound 
and savoury expressions^ One morning, while this 
friend was at his house, being about to go to the 


meeting, he expressed hrs desire to the Lord that 
they might receive some good from him. This 
year he went to Bath, but the waters there proved 
of no benefit to his long- continued complaint. 

In 1716 the same friend and another visited him 
again, at whose coming he seemed glad ; and though 
he could not then remember their names, yet by his 
answers it appeared he knew their persons. He 
was now much weaker than last year, but still ex- 
pressed himself sensibly at times, and particularly 
took his leave of them at their going away in these 
words: " My love is with you; the Lord preserve 
you and remember me in the everlasting covenant." 

In 1717 his friend made his last visit to him. 
He then found his understanding so much weaken- 
ed, that he scarce knew his old acquaintances ; and 
his bodily strength so much decayed, that he could 
not well walk without leading, nor scarce express 
himself intelligibly. 

We learn from this account of his friend, com- 
bined with that of Thomas Story, that his decay 
was gradual; and that, though hi« frame had been 
so grievously shattered and impaired, his existence 
under it had been left comfortable. He had suffi- 
cient sense and understanding left to exhibit the out- 
ward appearance of innocence and love, and the in- 
ward one of the enjoyment of the Deity himself 
by an almost constant communion with his Holy 

In the year 1718 the forementioned History of 
bis Life continues the account thus : " After a con- 


tinued and gradual declension for about six years 
his body now drew near to its dissolution, and on 
the thirtieth day of the fifth month (July) 1718, 
between two and three in the morning, in the 
seventy-fourth year of his age, his soul, prepared 
for a more glorious habitation, forsook the 
decayed tabernacle, which was committed to the 
earth on the fifth of the sixth month following 
at Jordans in Buckinghamshire, where his former 
wife and several of his family had been interred. 
And as he had led in this life a course of patient 
continuance in well-doing, and through faith in our 
Lord Jesus Christ had been enabled to overcome 
the world, the flesh, and the devil, the grand ene- 
mies of man's salvation, he is, we doubt not, admit- 
ted to that everlasting inheritance which God hath 
prepared for his people, and made partaker of the 
promise of Christ, Rev. iii. 21. ' To him that over- 
Cometh will I grant to sit with me in my throne, 
even as I also overcame, and am set down with my 
Father in his throne.' " 

His funeral was attended by a great concourse of 
people from all parts, by many of the most valued 
of the Society, and by many of different religious 
denominations, to pay this last tribute of respect to 
him. Among the former was Thomas Story. 
" I arrived," says Thomas Story, '' at Rushcomb 
late in the evening, where I found the widow and 
most of the family together. My coming occasion- 
ed a fresh remembrance of the deceased, and also a 
renewed flood of many tears from all eyes. A 


solid time (of worship) we had together, but few 
words among us for some time ; for it was a deep 
baptizing season, and the Lord was near at that 
time. On the fifth I accompanied the corpse to 
the grave, where we had a large meeting; and as 
the Lord had made choice of him in the days of 
his youth for great and good services— — had been 
with him in many dangers and difficulties of various 
sorts, and did not leave him in his last moments 

so he was pleased to honour this occasion with 

his blessed presence, and gave us a happy season of 
his goodness to the general satisfaction of all. '^ 

After his funeral, as if malevolence had not suffi- 
ciently harassed him in life, a report got abroad, that 
he had died mad at Bath. The report spreading, 
Henry Pickworth, who had been formerly a minis- 
ter among the Quakers but disowned by them, 
availed himself of it, if he did not invent it, to 
wound the feelings of the latter. Accordingly, so 
late even as twelve years after his death, that is, in 
1 730, he published a letter, in which he stated the 
two circumstances before mentioned; and in ad- 
verting to the lunacy, he described it to be " of the 
nature of Nebuchadnezzar's of old, which termi- 
nated in rage and madness before the end of his 
days." Joseph Besse in^ his " Answer to Patrick 
Smith, M. A. a Clergyman of Huntingdonshire," 
notices the two charges, and repels them thus: ** But 
if," says he, " he was never lunatic nor mad, and 
did not end his days at Bath, then here are two 
falsehoods in fact." After this he produced tw© 


certificates, to establish the falsehoods; one from 
Simon Clement, a gentleman who had been an inti- 
mate acquaintance ot William Penn, and the other 
from Hannah Mitchell of St. M art m-le- grand, 
London. The former ran thus : 

'' He was indeed," says Mr. Clement, " attacked 
with a kind of apoplectic fit in London in the month 
of May 1712, from which he recovered, and did go 
to the Bath, and from thence to Bristol, where he 
had a second fit about September following ; and 
in about three months after he had the third fit at 
his own house at Rushcomb, which impaired his 
memory, so that though he knew his friends well, 
who came to visit him, and rejoiced to see them, 
yet he could not hold any discourse with them, or 
even call them by their names. But this was so 
far from any show of lunacy, that his actions were 
regular and orderly^ and nothing appeared in his 
behaviour, but a loving^ meek^ quiet^ easy temper 
and a childish innocence^ which to me seemed a great 
indication of his having been in a very happy frame 
of spirit at the time when he was surprised with this 
indisposition ; under which he continued (but other- 
wise in a pretty good state of health) till the month 
of Jtily 17 8, when he was taken wiih a fever, of 
which he disrd {not at the Bath)^ but at his own 
house at Rushcomb in Berkshire, but without ever 
having any symptoms of ra^yng or madnesfi^ though 
the same is wi kedly affirmed by this false witness 
Henry Pickworth." 


The second was as follows : " I think fit to ac- 
quaint the world, that the late account given by 
Henry Pickworth concerning my worthy master^ 
William Penn, is notoriously false. I had the 
honour to wait on him from the beginning of his 
last indisposition, which was a palsie, occasioned by 
a third apoplectic fit." 

By his last will made in 1712, a few months 
before his first attack by apoplexy, he left his estates 
in England and Ireland to William, his eldest sur- 
viving son by Gulielma Maria, his first wife, and to 
the issue of that marriage, which then consisted of 
his said son William, his daughter Letitia (married 
to William Aubrey), and three children of his son 
William ; namely, Gulielma Maria, Springett, and 
William. The Government of his Province of 
Pennsylvania and Territories and powers thereunto 
belonging he devised to his particular friends, 
Robert Harley, Earl of Oxford, and Earl Morti- 
mer ; and William, Earl Powlett ; and their heirs, 
upon trust, to dispose thereof to the Queen or any 
other person to the best advantage they could, to be 
applied in such manner as he should hereafter 
direct. He then devised to his wife Hannah 
Penn, together with eleven others and to their heirs, 
all his lands, rents, and other profits in America, 
upon trust, to dispose of so much thereof as should 
bv suffident to discharge all his debts, and, after 
pav ment thereof, to convey to his daughter Letitia, 
and to each of three children before mentioned of 
his son William, ten thousand acres of land (the 


forty thousand to be set out in such places as his 
trustees should think fit)^ and then to convey all the 
rest of his landed property there, subject to the pay- 
ment of three hundred pounds a-year to his wife for 
her natural life, to and amongst his children by her 
(John, Thomas, Margaret, Richard, and Dennis, 
all minors), in such proportions and for such estates 
as his said wife should think fit. All his personal 
estate in Pennsylvania and elsewhere, and arrears of 
rent due there, he devised to his said wife, whom 
he made his sole executrix, for the equal benefit of 
her and her children. 

William Penn having made this his last will in 
1712, and afterwards agreed, as before related, to 
part with the Province to Government for 12,000/.; 
a question arose after his decease, whether what 
was devised to the said Earls to be sold, should, as 
then circumstanced, be accounted part of the real or 
of the personal estate of the testator (the latter by 
the will being the property of the widow) ? The two 
Earls in consequence declined to act in their trust 
without a decree of the Court of Chancery for their 
indemnity. This process, together with other diffi- 
culties that had arisen, kept the property of the 
family in a perplexing state of uncertainty for about 
eight or nine years. At length, however, all the 
disputed points were amicably adjusted by the re- 
spective parties interested, amongst themselves, 
before any decree had issued ; and in pursuance 
thereof not only the Province itself but also the 
Government of it descended to John, Thomas, and 


Richard Penn, the surviving sons of the younger 
branch of the family, thenceforward the Proprie- 
taries. " 

It is proper to remark, that when William Penn 
made his last v/ill, his estates in England and Ire- 
land, which produced upwards of fifteen hundred 
pounds annually, were esteemed of more value than 
all his property in America, especially as only part 
of the mortgage thereon of 1708 had been dis- 
charged; but during the interval of rather more 
than six years between that and the time of his 
death, a progressive increase of trade and popula- 
tion, almost unexampled, during a happy state of 
uninterrupted tranquillity, had improved the value 
of the Pennsylvanian property far beyond what 
could have been imagined; in addition to which the 
Crown-lawyers had given a joint opinion, which 
was adopted by Government, that the agreement 
for sale in 1712 was made void by William Penn's 
inability to execute the surrender in a proper 

VOL. II. A a 



Some account of his person — of his manner and ha- 
bits — and of his private character. 

Having followed William Penn from the cra- 
dle ^ to the grave, I shall conclude by an account of 
his person, manners, and character, as far as I have 
had an opportunity of tracing them. 

It appears that he was tall in stature and of an 
athletic make. He delighted when young, as has 
been before observed, in manly sports. In maturer 
years he was inclined to corpulency, but using a 
great deal of exercise he was very active with it. 
His appearance at this time was that of a fine portly 

We have no portrait taken of him while aliv^. 
Silvanus Bevanf , a chemist of eminence in London, 
who when young had known him well, took great 
pains to form a bust of him some time after his de- 

* I take this opportunity of supplying an omission made at the 
end of chap. i. vol. i., where I ought to have stated, that Wil- 
liam Penn had a younger brother, Richard, w^ho died at Rick- 
mansworth, and was buried at Wanstead 1673; and a sister, 
Margaret, who married Anthony Lowther, Esq. of Maske. 

t He was in high repute as a man of science and literature, 
and possessed a talent of taking striking likenesses from recol- 
lection and carving them in ivory, though he indulged it but spa- 


cease, in which he was assisted by the recollection 
of others familiarly acquainted with him ; and hav- 
ing made three copies of it, he sent one of them to 
James Logan of Philadelphia. The engraving pre- 
fixed to Proud's History of Pennsylvania (an Ame- 
rican publication) is taken from this bust, and ena- 
bles us to have a tolerably accurate idea of his per- 
son. There appear in the eye deep reflection and 
strength of intellect, and in the mouth a sort of calm 
benignity. The face is not an usual one ; and there 
is in the countenance throughout a great sweetness 
and a general look of benevolent feeling. I may 
observe here, that a statue of him was erected at the 
seat of the late Lord Le Despencer near High Wy- 
comb. On the alienation of the estate the pedestal 
was suffered to decay. The statue, valued then 
only as old lead, was purchased by a neighbouring 
plumber, from whom one of the proprietor's grand- 
sons procuring it, presented it to the Pennsylvania 
Hospital in Philadelphia. No dependence, how- 
ever, is to be placed on this, as any likeness of the 
person it professed to represent. 

William Penn v/as very neat, though plain, in his 
dress. He walked generally with a cane. This 
eane he .was accustomed to take with him in the lat- 
ter part of his life into his study, where, when he 
dictated to an amanuensis, as was frequently his 
practice, he would take it in his hand, and walking 
up and down the room would mark, by striking it 
against the floor, the emphasis on points which he 
wished particularly to be noticed. 


He was very neat also as to his person, and had 
a great aversion to the use of tobacco. However, 
when he w^as in America he was often annoyed by 
it, but he bore it with good humour. We have an 
anecdote of him there, as it relates to this custom. 
Several of his particular Friends were one day as- 
sembled at Burlington. While they were smoking 
their pipes, it was announced to them, that the Go- 
vernor's barge was in sight and coming up the river. 
The company supposed that he was on his way to 
Pennsbury, about seven miles higher up. They 
continued smoking : but being afterwards informed, 
that he had landed at a wharf near them and was 
just entering the house, they suddenly concealed 
their pipes. Perceiving from the smoke, when he 
went into the room, what they had been doing, and 
discovering that the pipes had been hid, he said very 
pleasantly, " Well, Friends, I am glad that you are 
at last ashamed of your old practice."——" Not en- 
tirely so," replied Samuel Jenings, one of the com- 
pany, " but we preferred laying down our pipes to 
the danger of offending a weak brother." They 
then expressed their surprise at this abrupt visit, as 
in his passage from Philadelphia not only the tide 
but the wind had been furiously against him. He 
replied with a smile on his countenance, " that he 
had been sailing against wind and tide all his life." 

Having a great variety of business to go through, 
he was obliged to be an (Economist of his time. He 
was therefore regular and tnethodical in his move- 
ments. This regularity and method he carried into 


his family, and this not only in their temporal but 
their spiritual concerns. It appears by a paper 
which he wrote, and which was probably stuck up 
in some conspicuous place in his house, and which 
contained " Christian Discipline ; or, Good and 
wholesome Orders for the well governing of his 
Family," that in that quarter of the year which in- 
cluded part of the winter and part of the spring, the 
members of it were to rise at seven in the morning, 
in the next at six, in the next at five, and in the last 
at six again. Nine o'clock was the hour for break- 
fast, twelve for dinner, seven for supper, and ten to 
retire to bed. The whole family were to assemble 
every morning for worship. They were to be call- 
ed together at eleven again, that each might read in 
turn some portion of the holy Scripture, or of Mar- 
tyrology, or of Friends' books ; and finally they were 
to meet again for w^orship at six in the evening. On 
the days of public meeting, no one was to be absent 
except on the plea of health or of unavoidable en- 
gagement. The servants were to be called up after 
supper to render to their master and mistress an ac- 
count of what they had done in the day, and to re- 
ceive instructions for the next. The same paper 
laid down rules for their guidance. They were to 
avoid loud discourse and troublesome noises ; they 
were not to absent themselves without leave ; they 
were not to go to any public-house but upon busi- 
ness ; and they were not to loiter, or enter into un- 
profitable talk, while on an errand. It contained 
also exhortations to them, to be upriglit and faithful 
A a2 


to their employers, and, though each had a particu- 
lar service, to be willing, all of them, to assist each 
other as it became brethren and fellow-servants. 
And lastly, it contained one general exhortation to 
all : every member of the family was instructed to 
keep a watch over his mind, to beware of lying, de- 
frauding, tale-bearing, and other vicious practices 
there specified ; to abstain from words which would 
provoke lightness, and from giving each other bad 
names ; and in case of difference, not to let the sun 
go down upon their wrath. 

William Penn is said to have possessed fine ta- 
lents. Sir John Rhodes, who was very intimate 
with him, and who wrote the preface to his posthu- 
mous work, called " Fruits of a Father's Love, be- 
ing the Advice of William Penn to his Children re- 
lating to their civil and religious Conduct," says, 
tfiat he was qualified for a high station in life by 
very bright and excellent parts, and these cultivated 
and improved by the advantage of a liberal educa- 
tion, and also polished by travelling abroad, and by 
conversation with some of the greatest men the age 
produced. Of these his father was very sensible ; 
which gave him so shocking a concern, when his 
son espoused the principles of the despised Qua- 
kers, that it threw him into violent agonies, so that, 
as William Penn himself told Sir John Rhodes, his 
father was in bitterness for him as a man is in bit- 
te;rness for his first-born. 

William Penn was indefatigable as a minister o£ 
the Gospel. It is also said of him that, though he 


was a learned man, he used, while preaching, lan- 
guage the most simple and easy to be understood, 
aij^d that he had a happy way of explaining himself 
by images the most familiar. He was of such hu- 
mility, that he used generally to sit at the lowest 
end of the space allotted to ministers, always taking 
care to place above himself poor ministers, and 
those who appeared to him to be peculiarly gifted. 
He was alsot no less remarkable for encouraging 
those who were young in the ministry. Thomas 
Story, among many others, witnessed this. '^ 1 had 
no courage," says he, " of my own to appear in 
public among them (the ministers). 1 thought how- 
ever (on seeing Aaron Atkinson's ministry accept- 
able) that I might also probably go through the 
meetings without offence, which was the full amount 
of my expectation or desire there ; and that which 
added much to my encouragement was. the fatherly 
care and behaviour of the ministers in general, but 
especially of that great minister of the Gospel, and 
faithful servant of Christ, William Penn, who 
abounded in wisdom, discretion, prudence, love, 
and tenderness of affection, with all sincerity, above 
most in this generation ; and indeed I never knew 
his equal." 

He is handed down, by those who knew him, to 
have been very pleasant and strikingly animated in 
conversation. He had rather a disposition to face- 
tiousness, clothed however in the purest habit of 
decorum. We have no testimony against this but 
that of Bishop Burnet, who says *• that he was a 


talking vain man. He. had such an opinion of his 
own faciihy of persuading, that he thought none 
could stand before it, though he was singular in thiit 
opinion ; for he had a tedious luscious way of talk- 
ing, not apt to overcome a man's reason, though it 
might tire his patjence." It is perhaps hardly worth 
while to refute a^tatement which affects so little the 
moral character ; and yet truth is always to be pre- 
ferred and defended. Leaving then out of the ques- 
tion the oral testimony of those who knew him well, 
I may observe, that it is recorded in the Gentle- 
man's Magazine (A. 1737) that a person once tra- 
vell' d with William Penn in a stage-coach, '^ and a 
pka.sant companion he ruas,^^ This person was so 
struck by it, as to ask him, seeing the Society de- 
spised human learning, where he and Barclay and 
Keith received their education. I may mention also, 
that Dr. Tillotson concluded one of his letters to 
William Penn in these words : " I will seek the first 
opportunity to visit you at Charing-cross, and renew 
our acquaintance, inxvhich I took much pleasure. '^'^ 
Surely Dr. Tillotson, one of jhe most accomplished 
and^olite scholars of his age, and a serious Chris- 
tian, could never have taken great pleasure in the 
conversation of a talking vain man, or of one who 
had a tedious way of talking. Again, if we look 
into Noble's Continuation of Granger, we shall find 
that Dean Swift asserted, that '' Penn talked very 
agreeably mid with yjtuch sphrit.'^ Now we know 
that Dean Swift irequently met him in company 
with great people, and that he knew him so well, ^s 


in one of his letters to Mrs. Johnson to call him 
his friend Penn. But Burnet himself was not a 
shrewder man than Swift, nor better capable of 
judging upon a question like that before us. 

He W2LS a man of great sensibility. Those who 
knew him have seen the tear start in his eye at the 
relation of tales of wretchedness, and, what is more 
remarkable, at the relation of acts of peculiar kind- 
ness to those who needed it. An instance of the lat- 
ter nature is recorded by John Richardson in his 
Journal, but it is too long to detail throughout. It 
appears there that John Richardson and James 
Bates, two Quaker ministers, w ho were on a reli* 
gious mission, landed from a sloop at Bermuda in 
1702. They were immediately ordered up to the 
Government-house. The sea-'sickness was still upon 
them, and they were shivering ?nd faint. In this 
state they were ushered into the Governor'^ pre- 
sence. Here they expected nothing but rough 
usage, if not a prison ; but instead of these they 
experienced every thing that was hospitable and 
humane. The Governor (Bennett) not only gave 
them refreshment, and entered into friendly conver- 
sation with them relative to their religious tenets, 
but, finding them in a weakly state, lent them his 
own horses to ride^upon as far as an inlet of water, 
which they were to cross. Here Judge Stafford, 
perceiving two strangers, sent his boat for them. 
He received them into his own house, where he re- 
freshed them and lodged them also. The next day 
he accommodated them with horses in like manner 


to enable them to pursue their mission on the island. 
I may now observe, that John Richardson was af- 
terwards with William Penn, and that he told him 
these and other particulars connected with the tale 
as they occurred, and that William Penn was greatly 
affected by the narration ; for ^' when," says John 
Richardson, " I told William Penn how it had fared 
xvith us on that island^ and especially the kindness of 
the txvo chief men in power there^ he xvept^"^ 

William Penn was equalled by few in his atten- 
tion to the poor, or in his attention to others, of 
whatever class in life or religious description, who 
lived in his own neighbourhood ; so that perhaps no 
man was ever more popular within these limits. 
His memory on this account was held dear, both at 
Rickmansworth and Worminghurst, long after he 
had left these places ; and so dear was it on the 
sam& Recount at Rushcomb, the last place of his re- 
sidence, that his name at entire length, and com- 
pound names alluding to his American possessions, 
appear in the Parish Register as having been given 
by parents in the neighbourhood to their children, 
in honour of the memory of his worth. 

There is another anecdote I may mention, which, 
though trifling in itself, will afford us another view 
of his character. In the year 1690 '^ An History 
of the Old and New Testament" came out, " trans- 
lated from the Works of the learned Le Sieur de 
Royaumont, by Joseph Raynor, B. D. and super- 
vised by Dr. Anthony Horneck, Henry Wharton, 
B. D. and others." It contained two hundred and 


sixty plates or engravings, wliich represented cer- 
tain transactions, parables, or histories, as recorded 
in the Scriptures. Each plate, that is, the design 
and the expense of engraving it, was furnished by 
some person of quality or eminence, to whom it was 
addressed. King William and Queen Mary each 
presented one to the work. Among other contribu- 
tors to it was William Penn. The subject of the 
plate which he gave was the Parable of the Talents. 
The rich man appeared sitting with his steward and 
others at a large table, where there was pen, ink, 
and scrolls of paper. Two of those who had re- 
ceived the talents stood near the table. He who had 
received the largest share had laid his five bags 
upon it. These the steward had examined, and he 
was then entering the amount of them in a book. 
He who had received the two talents was seen 
standing with his two bags in his hand, ready to lay 
them on the table when called upon and to deliver 
his account. He who had received but one was 
seen kneeling with one knee, and with his bag also 
near him, on the ground, and lifting iap his hands 
and imploring mercy. At a little distance appeared 
the hole in the ground, from which the bag had been 
taken ; close to which were lying the pick-axe and 
spade which had been used in digging it up. Such 
was the nature of the plate furnished by William 
Penn. We may collect from it, that though per- 
haps, like others of his own religious Society, he 
was no great encourager of the arts, yet he availed 
himself of the opportunity of promoting them where 


they could be made subservient to religion, or ra- 
ther ?:hat he omitted no innocent opportunity of pro- 
moting the cause of the latter. We collect again, 
where his mind was most conversant, or where it 
delighted most to be employed, namely, in enlarg- 
ing the empire of moral good. He might have 
handed to the Artist a fine subject for his pencil, or 
a subject for the indulgence of his own curiosity, or 
the display of his own taste j but he chose that 
which, by means of the^ engraving in question, 
should inculcate the most important lesson that 
Christianity teaches mankind, namelv, the duty of 
employing their talents to the utmost for the benefit 
of each other, and the sin of the omission. I may 
observe, that no man inculcated this lesson more 
frequently by his own practice than himself. 

These few anecdotes relating to William Penn, 
received chiefly from persons who had them from 
others personally acquainted with him, or to be 
found in scarce books, I have thought it proper to 
bring forward, because, being contained in no other 
History of 'his Life, they must be new to most 
readers. As to the other component parts of his 
character, they may be gathered from the preceding 
sheets of this work. It may be deduced from these, 
that he was a kind Husband, a tender Father, a 
noble Patriot, and a good Man. But as they who 
read may collect these and other estimable traits for 
themselves, it seems unnecessary that I should do it 
for them. I will therefore avail myself but of one 
statement which these Memoirs afford me, as the 


admission of it will fix his character at once. He 
seems then, if I may use the expression, to have 
been daily conversant with the Divine Being, daily 
worshipping and praising him, either in his own pri- 
vate, or in his family, or in his public devotions, 
and daily walking with him in his multifarious con- 
cerns. All his publications, nay, almost every let- 
ter, whether public or private, l^reathes a spirit of 
piety and reliance upon God. Hence he must have 
been lowly-minded, merciful, and just. Hence 
under disappointment he must have been patient, 
under persecution forgiving. And here let me ob- 
serve, that, though his life was a scene of trial and 
suffering, he must have had intervals of comfort and 
happiness the most solid and brilliant, one ray from 
the Divine Presence dissipating whole clouds of 
affliction around him. What other amiable traits 
must there not have been in the character of one 
who walked in such an heavenly path ! 

VOL. \u B b 



^Exayninatwn of the outcry against him of " Papist 
and Jesuit'^^ — of the charges against him by Bur- 
net — and of those contained in the State Papers of 
Nairne — and in the insinuatioJis of Lord Lyttel- 
ton — and Dr. Franklin. 

I BELIEVE it may be said, with no small degree 
of truth, that few men of character ever experienced 
such a continued outcry against them, while living, 
as William Penn ; that few men of character ever 
had their posthumous fame so tarnished, and this 
by persons of high reputation in the world ; and that 
few men, after all the imputations against them had 
been allowed to wander free and uncontrolled, ever 
triumphed more in the estimation of posterity; I 
mean the posterity of the present day. 

But though by means of his great and public ac- 
tions founded in virtue, (for no other foundation 
had availed,) some reputed objectionable transac- 
tions of his private life have been so far eclipsed, 
that the former are now only generally conspicuous, 
it does not follow that we ought to overlook the lat- 
ter. It is but justice to the memory of William 
Penn to inquire, whether they existed at all. The 
presumption is, from what we have seen of his cha- 
racter, that they could have had no foundation in 
fact. But if they did not exist, then his history 


ought not to be sullied by the continuation of such 
mischievous errors. 

The first of the imputations against him consists 
in that hue and cry, as it Avere, which accompanied 
him through a great part of his life, both in clamour 
and in print, that he was a Papiat and a Jesuit. I 
do not mean by this, that, had he been either the 
one or the other, he had therefore been an unworthy 
person ; but I must say, that if he had been a Papist, 
when he professed himself a Quaker, he would have 
been justly chargeable with hypocrisy; and it is on 
this account that I am at all induced to notice the 
chaifge against him. Let us then see what evidence 
he has furnished himself, (for we need go to no 
other,) and this through an uninterrupted chain for 
years, on the subject. 

In the year 1668, in his work called " Truth Ex- 
alted," he considers the Roman Catholic religion as 
one of those " which had been formed and followed 
in the darkness of apostacy." Again : " Whence," 
says he in the same work, '' came your Creeds but 
from factious and corrupted Councils dyed in the 
blood of those who refused conformity? What 
Scriptures of the holy Prophets and Apostles, or 
what Tradition for the first three hundred years, 
mention a Mass-book, speak of Peter's Chair and a 
successive Infallibility, or say a Wafer is corporally 
the Flesh, Blood, and Bones, which suffered without 
Jerusalem ? And where did they teach to adore 
Images, appoint holy Days, canonize Saints, chaffer 


and merchandize about Indulgences, pray foi 
the Dead, and preach or write for a Purgato- 

In 1670 he attempted to refute, in his " Seasona- 
ble Caveat against Popery," certain Doctrines of the 
Church of Rome as they related to the Scriptures—^ 
Prayers to Saints and Angels — Justification of Me- 
rits — Prayer in Latin — and other Doctrines and 
Customs belonging to it. 

In 1675 he wrote " A Letter to a Roman Catho- 
lic," in which we may notice this passage : " They 
are Christ's who take up his cross against the glory 
and spirit of this world, in which the Church of 
Rome lives. Behold the pride, luxury, and cruelty, 
which hath for ages been in that Church, even the 
Heads and Chieftains thereof. It is a mistake to 
think that to be Christ's Church, which has lost its 
heavenly qualifications, because it once was. What 
is become of Antioch, and Jerusalem, both Churches 
of Christ, and before Rome ?" 

In 1678 he made two speeches before a Commit- 
tee of the House of Commons. In the latter of 
these he speaks thus : " I solemnly declare in the 
presence of Almighty God and before you all, that 
the profession I now make and the Society I now 
adhere to have been so far from altering that Pro- 
testant judgment I had, that I am not conscious to 
myself of having receded from an iota of any one 
principle maintained by those first Protestants and 
Reformers of Germanv, and our Martyrs at home. 


Against the Pope and See of Rome,'' And further 
on in the same speech he says, '' We think it hard, 
that though we (Quakers) do deny in comnion with 
her (the Church of England) those doctrines of 
Rome so zealously protested against (from whence 
the name Protestants), yet that we should be so un- 
happy as to suffer, and that with extreme severity, 
by those very laws on purpose made against the 
maintainers of those doctrines which we do so 

In 1679 he wrote " England's great Interest in 
the choice of a new Parliament." To promote this 
interest he recommends, among other things, " that 
care be taken that we be secured from Popery and 
slavery, and that at the ensuing election only sincere 
Protestants should be chosen." In the same year 
he published " One Project for the Good of Eng- 
land," in which he recommended a certain public 
Declaration, as a mark of discrimination, by which 
all Protestant Drssenters might be enabled to prove 
that they were not Catholics. This Declaration, 
which he drew up himself, denied the Pope's right 
to depose any Sovereign, or absolve the subjects of 
such Sovereign from their allegiance. It denied 
him to be Christ's vicar. It denied a purgatory 
after death, transubstantiation in the Lord's Sup- 
per, and the lawfulness and efficacy of prayers to 
Saints and Images. 

Now if to these considerations we add the con- 
tents of that part of his letter to Dr. Tillotson in 
1685, in which he refers the latter to other of his 


publications, (such as his " Address to Protestants," 
and to the first four chapters of his " No Cross, No 
Crown,") and also to his letter to Mr. Popple in 
1688, in which he solemnly denies every individual 
circumstance brought forward to establish the charge 
against him, and solemnly declares himself a Pro- 
testant, there will not remain the shadow of a doubt, 
that there could ever have been any real foundation 
for the clamour of his predilection for Popery, 
which occasioned him to be so unpopular in the 
kingdom. Indeed the bare comparison (to use his 
own words to Dr. Tillotson) of '' the most incere- 
monious and unworldly way of worship" of the Qua- 
kers with the '' pompous cult of the Catholics," 
would of itself afford an argument decisive of the 
point, unless we can suppose that William Penn 
dared, for some purpose not yet discovered, to act 
the part of a hypocrite, and this daily at the altar as 
it were of God, during a life accompanied by those 
outward circumstances, which are usually consider- 
ed by the world as marks of superior purity and 

With respect to the charge of his having been 
educated at St. Omer's as a Jesuit^ I might say, as 
he has said himself, that he xvas never at St. Omer'^s 
in Ins life ; but as the matter is so easily unravelled, 
it becomes me to do it. And here I may observe, 
that in all charges, whether against public or private 
men, there is always a something which has given 
birth to them : there is usually a foundation for 
them, though not always a good one. So in the 


present case. William Penn, when he was sent to 
Paris by his father, left it, as has been before men- 
tioned, to reside for a while at an academy at Sail- 
miir^ kept by Moses Amyrault, one of the greatest 
Protestant divines of the age. Now this circum- 
stance was reported in England, and unfortunately 
some one of those, who heard it mentioned, con- 
founded Saumur with St* Omer. Of this mistake 
his enemies immediately availed themselves, and, 
there being then at the latter i)lace a College for 
Jesuits, they directly inferred that he was one of 
that order. 

Among the writers who have thought disrespect- 
fully of William Pemi^ or who have related matters 
which implicate his moral character, the first in or- 
der of time is the celebrated Bishop Burnet. And 
here I cannot help lamenting, hovv, on account of 
the infirmity of our nature, the best men are often 
warped by prejudices, so as to throw a shade upon 
actions capable of bearing the full light. Bishop 
Burnet, as we have seen in these Memoirs, was at 
the Hague and in company with William Penn, 
when the latter was endeavouring to prevail upon 
the Prince of Orange to join with King James in 
the abolition of Tests for religion in the British 
realms. In consequence of this attempt Burnet 
took a prejudice against him ; and coupling with 
this circumstance the outcry of Papist and Jesuit^ 
which induced him to suppose Penn a Roman Ca- 
tholic, the prejudice was only the more confirmed, 
and it was carried by him through his whole 


work of " The History of his own Times," so that 
he has given us there almost all that was cur- 
rent against William Penn ; but in no one part of 
it that I have read has he ever spoken well of him^ 
even once* Of this prejudice the first extract I am 
to make will be in the minds of many not a despica- 
ble proof. 

" Perin/' says he, " had engaged him (Steward) 
to come over (from Holland), for he had long been 
considered by the King (James) as the chief mana- 
ger of all the rebellions and plots that had been on 
foot for these twenty years past." This was in 
1688. Now supposing Steward had been thus en- 
gaged by Penn, for what was he so employed? Not 
to dethrone Kings, as one would naturally suppose 
from these expressions, not to stir up the flames of 
civii-war, but to promote, by Burnet's own confes- 
sion, religious liberty in Scotland by the abolition of 
Tests, This was the mighty crime. I do think 
therefore, that the observation '' that Steward had 
been considered hy the King as the chief manager of 
all the rebellions and plots that had been on foot for 
these txventy years past^'* might have been spared 
on this occasion, even if it had been true. I have 
now to observe, that when this same Steward, or 
rather Steuart, was a fugitive in Holland with his 
brother Sir Robert, mentioned in the preceding 
volume of this work, he was there in that situation, 
not because he had done any thing in the way of 
plot or conspiracy at home, but because, having re- 
fused to renounce the Covenant when required^ and 


being persecuted on account of his religion^ he deter- 
mined to seek an asyluna in foreign parts. 

I pass by the account given by Burnet for the 
same year, without any comment, in which he says 
" that Father Petre and Penn engaged the King to 
it," that is, to renew the Declaration for liberty of 
conscience and to hold a Parliament in the Novem- 
ber following, and come to a matter of a very seri- 
ous nature. Speaking of the year 1690 he says, 
** The men that laid this design were the Earl of 
Clarendon, the Bishop of Ely, the Lord Preston 
and his brother Mr. Graham, and Penn the famous 
Quaker." The design he informs us was to restore 
James. For this purpose Lord Preston was to go 
over to France to negotiate for military aid. One 
Ashton hired the vessel, and he and Lord Preston 
went on board in order to sail over : but informa- 
tion having been given of the plot, they were seized 
with their papers, which consisted of letters to 
James from those who had joined with Lord 
Preston in the design. The Bishop of Ely's letters 
were written in a very particular style. Others 
were in Lord Preston's, and others in Ashton's, 
own hand- writing. The trial of the two latter com- 
menced, and both of them were condemned, and 
Ashton suffered. As to the other conspirators he 
observes, " the Earl of Clarendon was seized and 
put into the Tower ; but the Bishop of Ely, 
Graham, and Penn, absconded." 

Now here are two charges against William 
Penn : first, that he assisted in laying the design ; 


and, secondly, when some who had been concerned 
in it were convicted, that he absconded. With 
respect to the first, had Burnet said that the names 
ef the Bishop of Ely, Penn, and Graham, were 
inserted in a Proclamation, dated February the 
fifth, soon after the execution of Ashton, 07i sus- 
picion of having been concerned in the design, the 
assertion would have been free from error. But it 
did not follow, because William Penn was suspected^ 
that he was therefore guilty. It may be remember- 
ed, that in the early part of the former year he had 
been called before the King and Council, being then 
suspected of a traitorous correspondence on account 
of an intercepted letter, which James had written 
him. His reply was, " that he could not help the 
King writing to him, if he, the King, chose so to 
do; and among other things, that though he could 
not avoid the suspicion of such a correspondence, 
he could avoid the guilt of it ; that he was willing 
to repay King James's kindness to him by any 
private service in his power ; but that he must ob- 
serve inviolably and entirely that duty to the State, 
' which belonged to all the subjects of it ; and there- 
fore that he had never had the wickedness to think 
of endeavouring to restore him to the Crown." 
This assertion was found afterwards to be true ; for 
he was tried, and honourably acquitted of the 
charge. It may be remembered also, that in two 
months after this he was apprehended again ; but he 
could not help the suspicion, which led to this new 
apprehension, though a second trial showed that he 


had no concern in the guilt. So in like manner he 
could not hinder Fuller from backing the accusation 
of Lord Preston, which was to save his own life^ 
though he was entirely ignorant of the plot. Not 
only was no letter found written by him, nor any 
letter which even mentioned his name, among the 
many papers discovered, but he made it appear to 
the King and Council in 1693, that he never had 
been concerned in this or in any other attempt of the 
kind; the immediate result of which was, his acquit- 
tal of the charge which had been brought against 

With respect to the other charge, that of abscond- 
ing, it was not true, either in the sense of the word, 
or the manner in which it was used j for abscond- 
ing implies flight or concealment on account of 
guilt ; and when the term is thus used by Burnet, 
and the name of William Penn is no more to be 
found in his work, the reader is led to imagine that 
he was no more heard of, and therefore that the 
guilt followed him. But how happens it, if he fa^pi 
been guilty and had absconded, that he xvas acquitted 
in 1693 ; that his Government was restored to him in 
1694; that from 1694 to 1699 he was travelling 
publicly both in England and Ireland as a minister 
of the Gospel; that from 1699 to nearly 1702 he 
xvas acting on the spot in the high and conspicuous 
character of Governor of Pennsylvania ; that in the 
latter year he was at the Court of S>ueen Anne; and 
that after this period he enjoyed her personal friend- 
ship P It was surely the duty of Burnet, when his 


History reached to the year 1713, to have cleared 
up the reputation of William Penn. If he thought 
fit to say, that he had absconded in 1690 in conse- 
quence of having been concerned in the plot with 
the Lord Viscount Preston, he ought to have said 
that he made his innocence appear in 1693. He 
ought to have said also, that in the same year, in 
which the Proclamation came out against William 
Penn, Fuller was voted by the House of Commons 
a notorious impostor, a cheat, and a false accuser ; 
and that he was afterwards prosecuted by the At- 
torney-General on an Address from that House to 
the King, and that he was sentenced to the pillory^ 
He ought to have stated again, that the same Fuller 
was prosecuted in the King's Bench in 1 702, and 
convicted again as an impostor ; and that for pub- 
lishing certain libels he was sentenced to stand three 
times in the pillory, to be sent to the house of cor- 
rection, and to pay a fine of a thousand marks. A 
similar deficiency is observable in the same History 
about two years before this period ; for Burnet, 
when speaking of the affair of the Fellows of Mag- 
dalen College, and this more particularly than any 
other writer, never mentions the noble interference 
of William Penn, by which he dared to expostulate 
with the King concerning it. It would be in vain to 
say that he was ignorant of it, when the subject had 
excited such national attention, when the parties 
concerned were so numerous and all of them above 
the common rank, when the cause too being that of 
a struggle for liberty against James, was one of the 


Bishop's own, and when he knew better than any 
other man, even to the minuteness of a spy, what 
was going on in all parts of the kingdom. Hence, 
by reason of such deficiencies^*^, the character of one 
of the best of men has gone down to posterity with 
some of the foulest blots. 

The next charges against him in the order of time 
are contained in the State Papers of Nairne, included 
in the two volumes of original papers published by 
Macpherson. Nairne had served as Under Secre- 
tary to three successive Ministers of James after 
his retreat to France, and became acquainted in 
consequence with all the intelligence which was 
sent from England in behalf of the exiled King. It 
appears in the first volume, that Captain Williamson 
had been sent over to England as a spy to pick up 
all the information he could, and to collect the sen- 
timents and advice of James's friends, in favour of 
his Restoration. Having completed his errand, he 
either drew up a Memorial and sent -it, or carried 
it back with him, to France. It was dated Decem- 
ber 1693. The memorial stated first the opinion 
of the Earl of Clarendon, which was, that James's 
Restoration might be effected, if the French King 
would send over to England thirty thousand men 
for the purpose. It then went on to detail the 
opinions of others on the same subject, such as of 

* It is remarkable, that subsequent historians, copying chiefly 
from Burnet, have all omitted to mention William Penn's acquit- 
tal in 1693, though his restoration to his Government and the 
being at large afterwards were so notorious. 


the Lords Montgomery, Aylesbur>% Yarmouth, 
Arran, and others, till it came to that of William 
Penn. The latter was reported to have given his ad- 
vice as follows : ^^ Mr. Penn says, that your Majesty 
has had several occasions, but never any so favour- 
able as the present ; and he hopes that your Majesty 
will be earnest with the Most Christian King not to 
neglect it; that a descent with thirty thousand men 
will not only re-establish your Majesty, but accord- 
ing to all appearance break the league ; that your 
Majesty's kingdoms will be wretched while the 
Confederates are united ; for while there is a fool 
in England, the Prince of Orange will have a pen- 
sioned Parliament, who will give him money." It 
appears also by the second volume, that William 
Penn still continued plotting, and this for twenty 
years afterwards ; for a letter, dated )3ecember 
1713, and which was written in cyphers by Plunket, 
an Irish spy in England, to his employers in France, 
was found among Nairne's papers as notifying the 
fact. It was the object of this letter to give an ac- 
count of the various and secret intrigues then 
going on in England, and accordingly Plunket 
mentioned the names of those with whom he had 
conversed on the subject of his mission. Suffice it 
sav, that one of these, when decyphered, was put 
down as the name of William Penn. 

I shall now reply to these charges. And first of 
all (setting aside the consideration, tha^ they come 
through the medium of spies and informers, or of 
others who might gratify their emplo} trs by inlcili- 


geiice the falsehood of which could not be detected 
at a distance,) are they in themselves credible ? Is it 
possible that William Penn, as a Quaker, could 
ever have been either directly or indirectly concern- 
ed in advice or transactions of this nature? Is it 
possible, after four accusations and four acquittals, 
that he would not have been singularly cautious of 
his conduct in this respect? Was he never to learn 
wisdom? And is it probable, however well he might 
have wished even to the Restoration of James the 
Second, that he would have hazarded his life and 
reputation by extending his services (v/hich must 
have been the case in 1713) to his son the Pretender ^ 
whom he could never have seen after two months 
old? Happily, however, we have in the dates of the 
charges themselves the most ample means of ref t- 
ing them: for in the very month of Decehii^^y 
1693, when the Memorial cf the spy Wilhiuiisou 
makes William Penn criminally advising in behalf 
of the Restoration of James, he had established his 
innocence before the King and Council o^ all matters 
relating to that subject up to that date; and in the 
year 1713, when the spy Plunket gave a similar 
account of him, he had lost in a great measure both 
his jnemory and understandings and, what is more, 
he had been in that pitiable state for eighteen months' 
before. Let it be remembered also, that eighteen 
months prior to this latter charge, he was pro- 
nounced by the Crov/n-lawyers to have been in- 
capable even of executing the bargain, which he 


had made with the Government for the purchase ot 
his Pennsylvanian concerns. 

'J'he imputations against him, which follow next 
in the order of time, and which are trivial in com- 
parison with the former"^, come nearly together, and 
from two persons of distinguished talents and cha- 
racter. George, the first Lord Lyttelton, whom I 
shall mention first, has introduced into one of his 
" Dialogues of the Dead," namely, in that between 
Fernando Cortez and William Penn, insinuations 
too broad to be misunderstood, that the latter was 
swayed by worldly motives in his settlement of 

Pennsylvania. It would almost be an insult to 

the understanding of the reader, if I were to attempt 
in any regular manner to disprove the charge, be- 
cause it must have appeared already in the course 

* I had occasion to observe but a little while ago, in examin* 
ing the outcry of Papist and Jesuit against William Penn, that 
in all charges, whether against public or private men, there was 
always a something which had given birth to them, and I stated 
his education at Saumur to have afforded the origin of that out- 
cry. So in the present case, having proved that he had no con- 
cem in the plots and conspiracies of which he had been accused, 
I have to state, that his open unsuspecting disposition (judging 
others by the state of his own heart) led him at times to be too 
unguarded in his expressions, especially after the Revolution, 
when he had often those about him who were disposed to put 
the most unfavourable construction upon every word that dropped 
from him. In consequence of this his unguarded state, which be- 
trayed a weakness though a virtuous one, it was no matter of 
surprise to many of his most attached friends, that he was, 
during several years, a constant object of suspicion with the Go- 


of this work, that if there was a feature in the cha- 
racter of William Penn more prominent than an- 
other, it was that of unbounded generosity in the 
administration of his Province. Need I repeat 
that, when the first Assembly offered him an impost 
on a variety of goods both imported and exported 
(which impost in a course of years would have be- 
come a large revenue of itself) he nobly refused 
it — thus showing that his object in coming among 
them was not that of his own aggrandizement ^ but 
for the promotion of a public good? Need I repeat 
what Oldmixon has said of him ? he, who was a 
furious Revolutionist, and who was strongly preju- 
diced against him on account of his former attach- 
ment to James the Second : '^ We shall not," says he, 
" enter into any inquiry into the causes of the trou- 
ble that has been given Mr. Penn lately about his 
province of Pennsylvania ; it appears to us by what 
xve harce heard of it from others^ for from himself we 
had never any information concerning it, that he 
has been involved in it by his bounty to the Indians^ 
his generosity in minding the public affairs of the 
colony more than his own private ones^ his humanity 
to those who have not made suitable returns, his 
confidence in those that have betrayed him, and the 
rigour of the severest equity^ a word that borders 
the nearest to injustice of any. 'Tis certainly the 
duty of this colony to maintain the Proprietary, 
who has laid out his all for the maintenance of them 
in the possession of his Territory, and the public in 
gratitude ought to make good what they reap the 


benefit of." This is the only defence I shall offer. 
I may observe, however, if any thing can be said in 
justification of Lord Lyttelton, whose Dialogue be- 
trays gross illiberality as well as ignorance of the 
Society of the Quakers, that there was no history in 
his time of William Penn, which gave an account of 
his American life ; so that he could have known 
but little of the sacrifices which the latter had made, 
or of the real motives of his undertaking. I may 
observe also, that circumstances had unfortunately 
conspired to give him an unfavourable impression 
of the Quakers, and of those of Pennsylvania in par- 
ticular. For he had, a few years before, been the 
Chancellor of the Exchequer, and it was then a time 
of war. The Government at home, seeing that the 
French had drawn over some of the Indian tribes 
on their side, wished the Pennsylvanians to raise a 
militia or to arm ; but the Assembly, of which a 
great part were principled against war, would not 
come into the measure. Their conduct on this oc- 
casion gave the Administration a great deal of trou- 
ble. It made them, therefore, very unpopular both 
with him and his friends in power. They were con- 
sidered as the most refractory of all the Govern- 
ments within the British rule. From this refracto- 
riness it was judged, either that the Quakers of 
Pennsylvania were not fitted to hold the reins of 
power there, or that the Constitution of it gave a li- 
berty that was incompatible with the supposed inte- 
rests of the Mother-Country. Hence, Lord Lyt- 
telton was prejudiced in some measure against botb^ 


and by association of ideas against the man who was 
the founder of the one^ and the associate in manners, 
habits, and principles with the other. 

The other writer alluded to, and the last whom I 
shall notice as having cast improper reflections upon 
William Penn, was the celebrated Dr. Franklin in 
his " Historical Review of the Constitution and 
Government of Pennsylvania from its Origin," 
published in 1759. In this Review^ we find, among 
others, the following passages : 

" At the head of this Frame or System,'* savs he, 
" is a short Preliminary Discourse, a part of which 
serves to give us a more lively idea of William Penn 
preaching in Gracechurch-street, than we derive 
from Raphael's cartoon of Paul preaching at Athens. 
As a Man of Conscience he sets out ; as a Man of 
Reason he proceeds ; and as a Man of the Worlds he 
offers the most plausible conditions to all^ to the end 
that he might gain some,'*'' 

" This Frame consisted of twenty-four articles, 
and savoured much of Harrington and his Oceana*'^'' 

" But in the following year, the scene of action 
being shifted from the Mother-Country to the Co- 
lony, the deportment of the Legislator was shifted 
too. Less of the Man of God now appeared^ and 
more of the Man of the WorW^ 

* He wrote it, though it was attributed to one Ralph, to 
prejudice the people against the Proprietary-family, in order 
to effect a change of Government from Proprietary to Royal ; 
which was afterwards attempted, but which to his great cha- 
grin failed. This failure laid the foundation of his animosi^ 
to Great Britain, which was so conspicuous afterwardsv 


" One point he had already carried against the in- 
clination of his followers, namely, the reservation of 
^it'Rents^ which they had remonstrated against as 
a burden in itself, and, added to the purchase-mo- 
ney, was without precedent in any other Colony; but 
he artfully distinguishing the two capacities of Pro- 
prietary and Governor, and insinuating that Go- 
vernment must be supported xuith splendour and 
dignity, and that by this expedient they would be 
exempt from other taxes, the bait took^ and the point 
was carried." 

I shall neither dwell upon the bitter spirit, nor the 
sarcastic manner, in which the above sentences were 
dictated, nor upon the folly of supposing that the 
idea of supporting Government with splendour 
could ever have been held out by such a man as 
William Penn, or to such people as embarked with 
him in the scheme of his new Settlement ; but I 
shall proceed at once to the history of the Quit- 
Rents, that I may meet the most serious of the 
charges they contain. 

It has already appeared, that when William Penn 
disposed of his land, he sold it at the rate of forty 
shillings for every hundred acres, but reserved a 
quit-rent upon it of one shilling annually. He had 
no power of parting with it legally in any other 
way ; for as he held it of the Crown by a quit-rent 
himself so they who bought it were obliged to hold 
it in the same manner^ or they could have had no legal 
title to their estates. The question then is, For 
whose use these quit-rents were intended ? It ap- 


pears by all the grants I have seen, and one is now 
lying on my table, that no mention whatever is made 
in any of them either of Government or of the sup- 
port of it. William Penn also signified under his 
own hand, at the time of issuing these Grants, that 
any purchasers of land " might buy them off^ either 
then or at a future time^ to an inconsiderable mat' 
ter^ Thus, for example, if a man's quit-rent 
amounted to ten shillings annually, he might buy it 
off within a penny or less annually ; but a penny or 
less annually was of necessity to be left to secure his 
title to his estate. Now, this offer of selling the 
quit rents within a trifle never would have been 
made or allowed, if they had been pledged to the sup- 
port of the Government. And here I may observe, 
that William Penn, in having done what I have 
stated him to do, only followed the example of other 
Colonies in the same part of the world. " Every 
planter," says Oldmixon, in his History of Carolina, 
" pays one penny an acre quit-rent, unless he buys it 
^." In fact, whether we refer to Carolina or to 
Pennsylvania, the quit-rents were underscood both 
by the seller and the purchasers to be solely for the 
private use and benefit of the former. It was under- 
stood in Pennsylvania by both parties, that forty 
shillings paid down and one shilling annually, was 
the consideration paid on the one hand for a hun- 
dred acres of land received on the other. This was 
the construction originally put upon the purchase ; 
and the same continued to be put till the year 1 708, 
when the Assembly, in consequence oi almost 


constant bickerings with the different Lieutenant- 
Governors, had fallen into two parties, the Proprie- 
tary and the Popular^ the one for and the other 
against William Penn. Now it happened at this 
time, that the taxes had so increased as to be consi- 
dered burdensome, and that the quit-rents (more 
land having been sold and located) had increased 
also. Then it was, and not till then, that the Popu- 
lar part of the Assembly thought it would be an act 
of policy if they could turn these quit-rents to the 
support of the Government, or, in other words, to 
the ease of themselves and their constituents ; but 
they never even then asserted that they had any just 
claim upon them for this purpose, but only that it 
was but reasonable that they should be so applied. 

Having brought the matter to this period, I may 
now observe, that the idea of this appropriation of 
the quit-rents, when once started, was never drop- 
ped. It was so agreeable to many, and particularly 
oi the popular party ^ that it was revived in all suc- 
ceeding Assemblies, and this so often, till it is sup- 
posed that some began at length to believe that the 
quit-rents were (as they were then denominated) 
grierances^ which they might shake off at pleasure. 
But if the quit-rents were reputed grievances in the 
life-time of William Penn, how much more so must 
they have been considered after his death, when his 
heirs and successors, finding the value of land in- 
creased, would not allow the Land- Office to issue 
new Patents without increasing them, and this to 
four times their former value ! It was then that 


Dr. Franklin wrote his book ; and here it must be 
observed, that he was the Clerk and Printer to the 
Assembly, as well as a Member of it also, and that 
he was not of the Proprietary but of the Popular 
Party ^ and therefore that he partook of the popular 
prejudices on the occasion. 

It was entirely through the same prejudiced me- 
dium that he gave an improper colouring to other of 
the proceedings of William Penn. Thus for exam- 
ple, I stated that the latter in the year 1 700 ordered 
the Assembly to attend him at Newcastle, and not 
at Philadelphia as before, for that he thought it 
would be but fair^ and that it would be showing but 
a proper impartiality in him^ to summon them to 
the principal town of the Territories in its turn. 
But this, says Dr. Franklin, *"^ -was perhaps only to 
gratify the inhabitants of the Territories^ at a time 
xuhen extraordinary demands ivtre to be made upon 
them for the gratification of the Proprietary Gover- 
nor P I stated also, that the Assembly in ITOl 
presented an Address to William Penn, containing 
twenty-one articles, in the first of which they re- 
quested him to appoint a proper successor before he 
left them for England; and that his reply was, that 
he would take care to do it ; but, to show them how 
much he wished to gratify them in this particular^ 
that he would accept a Deputy Governor whom they 
might nominate themselves. Dr. Franklin allows 
that he made this offer, but he adds, " whether '?ut 
of artifice or complaisance was hard to say^"* It is 
scarcely necessary to observe, that the best of men. 


may be run down, and the best of things may be 
perverted, if treated in this manner. 

It was through the same prejudiced medium, 
again, that Dr. Franklin, when he had selected the 
first of the twenty-one articles, as just mentioned, 
to enable him to indulge his spleen still further 
against William Penn, omitted the mention of 
others, which it was a great dishonour to the As- 
sembly to have proposed. But I shall decline going 
into these. I have no desire to lessen his just re- 
putation. I have no desire to detract from the just 
merit of the Assembly, who are to be applauded for 
many of their public acts, and for none more, in my 
opinion, than for their noble resistance to war, by 
refusing to contribute to its support. Nor am I 
desirous of elevating William Penn at the expense 
of either. I am bound, however, to defend his cha- 
racter, where I think it has been injured; and in 
doing this I must dwell still longer on the subject. 
It will be proper to show, that, whatever changes 
took place in the Government of Pennsylvania, or 
dissatisfactions in the Assembly, with respect to 
him, they were generally to be attributed to his ab- 
sence Jrom them; and that, though there were per- 
sons who disapproved of his public measures, they 
had yet a great respect for him, and that this respect 
has been continued to his memory by the descend- 
ants of the same, even to the present day. 

It may perhaps be remembered, that, when King 
William ordered the patent to be made out for re- 
storing the Government of Pennsylvania to William 


Penn, he ordered it to be put into the preamble, 
that the disorders^ which had appeared there, or/^'i- 
nated principally in his abaence from it. Few facts 
are more capable of proof than this. When he was 
in America the first time, public affairs went on, and 
this with a harmony so singular^ that historians have 
thought proper to notice it ; but scarcely had his back 
been turned a year upon the Province^ when dissatis- 
factions began. In the beginning of 1686, being 
then in England, he complained over and over again 
of the tardiness of the council, that they could sel- 
dom be got together, and that they had neglected 
his letters as well as the collection of his quit-rents. 
For these and other reasons he found himself obli- 
ged to alter the Executive, that is, to take it out of 
the hands of eighteen^ and to put it into the hands of 
five. Now this change could not but be displeasing 
to the thirteen who were displaced ; for, besides the 
loss of their power, they would feel that they could 
not be considered as wholly faultless on the occa- 
sion. It appears, also, if the reader will turn to his 
American life for this year, that he nominated Nu 
cholas Moore^ whom the Assembly had impeached 
to the new Executive as an act of justice. This 
latter circumstance could not but give umbrage to 
the Assembly, and thus were laid the seeds of dis- 
satisfaction in both the legislative bodies. Now if 
William Penn had been in the Province, there had 
been no neglect to complain of as it related to letters, 
for there had been none to write. There had been 
no neglect to complain <2/ as it related to the coUec- 
voL. II. D d 


tion of his quit-rents, for he would have seen to this 
himself: and, above all, there had been no occasion 
to alter the Executive. With respect to Nicholas 
Moore, it is highly probable that he had never been 
impeached li William Penn had been upon the spot, 
because, as I had occasion to observe in a former 
chapter, the open, candid, and impartial way, in 
which he conducted the Government when present, 
gave no opportunities for jealousies and suspicions; 
and because his temperate and conciliatory manners, 
and his readiness to hear and redress grievances, 
and his power so to do, healed them when pro- 

Having thus examined the subject for 1686, I 
will follow it up through 1687 and 1688. In 
1687 the same negligence continuing in the coun- 
cil, though reductd in number, William Penn was 
obliged to change the executive again, and to bring 
it into still fewer hands, that is, in the year 1688 
into the hands of a Deputy Governor and two as- 
sistants. Now this change of itself would be dis- 
pleasing to some ; but the new Deputy Governor 
(Blackwell) had been in his post but a short time 
when he himself gave offence to others, indeed to 
the Assembly in general. But if William Penn 
had been on the spot, 7io Deputy Governor had 
been wanted^ and therefore all causes of displeasure 
had been cut r^ff. K\A here I must desire the par- 
ticular attention of the reader to t lis latter change ; 
I mean to the creation of a Deputy Governor, an 
appointment arising apparently out of the neces- 


sity of the case, because it will unfold to him the 
causes of future dissatisfaction between William 
Penn and the Assembly ; for from this moment 
may be dated the rise of the two parties, Proprie- 
tary and Popular^ as before spoken of. The De- 
puty Governor had three distinct interests to attend 
to. He had first, if I may use the expression, 
to fleece for the King, then for himself, and lastly 
for the Proprietary, his employer. In taking care 
of the interest of the latter, the tendency would be 
rather to increase his power and abridge that of 
the Assembly. But had William Penn resided in 
his Province as Governor, the situation of things 
had been widely different. There had at any rate 
been but two interests to look after instead of three. 
To the King he would have done his duty, as far as 
his religious scruples permitted him ; and as to the 
Proprietary, he would have been far more unjust 
to himself than to the Assembly, as all his conduct 
towards them has abundantly proved. 

In this manner I might go on from year to year, 
showing that his absence was the great cause of 
all the misunderstandings between him and the As- 
sembly, but that it appears to me to be unnecessary. 
I shall therefore proceed to show, that, notwith- 
standing these diiferences, his memor\ was held in 
veneration by the latter, and not by these only, but 
by persons of all descriptions in the Province. 

It is worthy then of remark, that when Thomas, 
one of the sons of William Penn, visiter! Pennsyl- 
vania in 1732, about fourteen years after his fa- 


ther's death, the Assembly presented him with a|i 
Address, which contained among others the fol- 
lowing sentence : ^^ Our long and ardent desires to 
see one of our honourable proprietaries among us 
are now fulfilled ; and it is with pleasure we can 
say, Thou art arrived at a time when the Govern- 
ment is in perfect tranquilHty ; and that there seems 
to be no emulation among us, but who shall, by a 
peaceable and dutiful behaviour, give the best 
proof of the sense they have of the blessings derixr- 
ed to us under our late honourable Proprietary^ 
your father^ xohose goodness to his people deserves 
ever to be remembered with gratitude and qffeC" 

In the year 1734 John Penn, the elder brother 
of the former, and who had been born in Pennsyl- 
vania, arrived in the Province from England also. 
The Assembly presented him with an Address in 
like manner, which began thus : '*• Excited by affec- 
tion and gratitude, we cheerfully embrace this op- 
portunity of congratulating thee on thy safe arrival 
at the place of thy nativity. When we commemo- 
rate the many benefits bestowed on the inhabitants 
of this colony, the civil and religious liberties we 
possess^ and to whom these valuable privileges^ un- 
der God and the King, are owing^ we should be 
wanting to ourselves and them we represent, did 
we not do justice to the memory of thy worthy an- 
cestor^ a man of principles truly humane^ an advQ^ 
cate for religion and liberty!'* 


I shall pass over the addresses which were pre- 
sented to each of these 5n their departure for Eng- 
land, in which similar expressions of love and gra- 
titude were bestowed upon their father ; and I 
shall state at once, as an acknowledged fact in 
Pennsylvania, that not only was this the general 
feeling of the Assembly both then and afterwards^ 
but that there were none, who more affectionately 
venerated the memory of William Penn, than the 
descendants of those very persons,*who at particu- 
lar periods were the loudest in their clamour 
against him. Nay, if I mistake not, Dr. Frank- 
lin himself was among those who highly respected 
him. Tl]te latter had a satirical way of expressing 
himself when he was not pleased, and therefore, 
when he found fault with William Penn, he could 
not get rid of his old habit ; but the hostility he 
manifested was far more in manner than in heart. 
He was far more severe, and this in earnest, upon 
his grandsons, against whom he published a small 
pamphlet, where, as if no other wav had been k ft 
him to expose them, it is singular that he con- 
trasted their conduct with the virtuous example of 
their noble ancestor. The little ludicrous motto, 
which he prefixed to this work, and which was 
taken from John Rogers's Primer, may enable the 
reader to judge in part of its contents : 

<* I send you here a little book 

That you may look upon, 
That you mav see your father's facCj 

Now he is dead and gone." 
D d2 


I shnll conclude by stating, that, when the statue 
of William Penn, alreadv* mentioned to have been 
erected to his memor\' at the seat of the late Lord 
Le Dcspencer, was removed to Philadelphia, the 
citizens received it with joy. They restored the 
pedestal, and, at the expense of many hundred 
pounds, put it up, and inclosed it by a proper rail- 
ing on the lawn on the south side of the Pennsyl- 
vania Hospital, where it now stands as a monu- 
ment of their gratitude, and, through their zeal on 
the occasion, as emblematical of that of the whole 



Virw of him as a legislator upon Christian principles 
in opposition to those of the policy of the world — 
and first as it relates to the governed — his general 
maxims of Government — superiority of these over 
others as to the extension of morals-— ^mechanism, 
of the Government of Pennsylvania — reputed ex- 
cellence of it — one defect said to belong to it — but 
this no defect at the time — removed by him when 
it btcame so — hence the first trait in his character 
as a Christian legislator^ namely^ his readiness to 
alter the Constitution with time and circumstances 
— second trait to be seen in his law for universal 
Toleration — reasons upon which it was founded — 
contrast between it and the opposite one under po- 
litical legislators — both as to principle and effect — 
this law the great cause of the rapid population of 
Pennsylvania — third trait to be seen in the aboli' 
tion of the punishment of deaths and in making the 
reformation of the offender an object of legislative 
concern — comparison between this system and 
that of the sanguinary legislator of the worlds— 
noble effects of the former^ as -witnessed in its im-^ 
proved state at the present day. 

We have now seen what William Penn was in 
his passage through life, both as a private and as a 
public person, and I have not been sparing in bring* 


ing forward what w<jre the reputed imperfections in 
his character. There is vet another view, which we 
may take of him, and where posterity have raised 
their voices in his favour. This will he found in 
the important station which he filled as a legislator, 
or rather as the founder and supporter of a Govern- 
ment upon Chrifitian principles in opposition to those 
of the policy of the world. A view taken of a per- 
son acting in such a situation, and under the influ- 
ence of such principles, must, I apprehend, not only 
be interesting of itself, but also on account of its no- 
velty ; for there is no Government, no code of law 
or jurisprudence in Europe, though almost all Eu- 
rope is called Christendom, which has been raised 
upon such a foundation. The different Govern- 
ments of Europe had their beginning before Chris- 
tianity appeared. Hence, they were built upon 
Heathen notions, or false honour and superstition. 
All w^e can say of the best of them is, that, as the 
light of Christianity arose, certain barbarous cus- 
toms and certain vicious principles of legislation 
were done away, and that others were substituted 
by degrees, which were more pure, more benevo- 
lent, and more congenial with the religion which 
was outwardly professed : but there is no one of 
these at the present day, whirh was founded origi- 
nallv upon Christianity, or which, notwithstanding 
its improrements, has attained to a Christian mo- 
del. There is a strange mixture of Jewish, Papal, 
and Ht-athen notions in their respective codes. Wil- 
liam Penn therefore had an opportunity in this res- 


pect, which but few have had, and those only of mo- 
dern times. He had the power of forming a Go- 
vernment afresh, by carrying over a number of 
Christians, who were sensible of the vicious parts 
of the old Governments, to a new land. '* This 
land he so desired to obtain and to keep, as that he 
might not be unworthy of God's love, but do that 
which might answer his kind providence, and serve 
his Truth and People, that an example might be set 
up to the nations ; that there was room there (in 
America) though not here (in England) for such an 
holy experiment." It is then under the sublime 
character of a Christian legislator^ that I am now to 
view him. By a Christian legislator I mean one, 
who models his public actions and founds his laws, 
as far as his abilities permit, on the letter and spirit 
of the Gospel, having but one end in view through- 
out, the happiness of the governed, which happiness 
is to be produced only through means strictly mo- 
ral, and by the improvement of their moral condi- 
tion, and adopting, as it relates to aliens or foreign- 
ers, principles of action pure in themselves, founded 
in justice, of the same tendency with those estab- 
lished for the governed, and promotive of the same 

The general notions of William Penn as they re- 
late to the governed have already appeared in the 
course of these Memoirs, and when collected may 
be stated thus : He believed that Government was 
of divine origin, and a part as it were of Religion 
itself. It had two objects ; to terrify evil-doers, 


and to cherish those that did well. So long as it 
kept faithfully to these, it had a life be\ ond corrup- 
tion. The excellence or imperfection of it depend- 
ed upon the excellence or viciousncss of men. Go- 
vernments, says he, depend upon men rather than 
men upon governments. Like clocks, they go from 
the motion which men give them. Let men be 
good, and the Government cannot be bad. If it be 
ill, they will cure it. But if men be bad, let the 
Government be ever so good they will endeavour to 
warp and spoil it to their turn. Some were of opi- 
nion that if they had good laws, it was no matter 
what sort of men they were who executed them ; 
but such ought to consider, that though good laws 
did well, good men did much better ; for good lav^^s 
might want good men, and be abolished or invadtd 
by ill men ; but good men would never want good 
laws, nor suffer ill ones. As to the constitution or 
mode of a Government, any kind of Government 
was free to the pt-ople under it, whatever was the 
frame, where the laws ruled and the people v/ere a 
party to those laws ; and more than this was tyran- 
ny, oligarchy, or confusion. The Constitution, 
however, and the manner of conducting it ought to 
be such as to support power in revt-rence with the 
people, and to secure the people from the abuse of 
power, that they might be free by their just obe- 
dience, and the Magistrates honourable for their 
just administration 5 for liberty without obedience 
was confusion, and obedience without liberty was 
slavery. They, who conducted it, were to see with 


their own eyes and hear with their own ears. They 
were to cherish no informers, to use no tricks, to fly 
to no device to cover injustice, but to be upright be- 
fore the Lord, trusting in him above the contrivan- 
ces of men. With respect to the duration of a Go- 
vernment, he laid it down that nothing weakened it 
or brought it to an end like vice. No Government 
could maintain its Constitution, however excellent 
it was, without the preservation of virtue. King- 
doms were rarely as short-lived as men ; yet they 
also had a time to die ; and as temperance gave 
health to men, so virtue to a kingdom ; and as vice 
brought men betimes to the grave, so nations to 
their ruin. Nothing was plainer to him, than that 
as parents left the government at their death, their 
chil iren would find it. It was far better that the 
world ended with the parents than that these should 
transmit their vices, or should sow those seeds 
which would ripen to the ruin of their children, and 
fill their country with misery when they themselves 
were gone. Hence he was of opinion, that one of the 
most important matters in which a State could be 
engaged was the education of those who were born 
in it. " That," says he, '^ which makes a good 
Constitution, must keep it, namely, men of virtue, 
and this can only be done by a virtuous education of 
the youth."-— — These were the general sentiments 
of William Penn with respect to Government. I 
need hardly observe, that they differ from those 
which are generally entertained at the present day. 
It is usually thought, that the abuses of a Govern- 


ment are best rectified, or its model best perfected, 
by changing the Governors, or by altering the cor- 
rupt parts of its Constitution. William Penn, it 
appears, thought otherwise. He thought they were 
best rectified by changing, or removing the corrup- 
tions of the people, fie not only makes the durabi- 
lity of a Government, but its intrinsic excellence, 
both as to form and administration, to depend upon 
the improvement of the morals of the latter. These 
his sentiments were certainly the most congenial 
with Christianity ; for though a good Government 
xnav make a good people, the empire of virtue 
would be much more considerably enlarged, and 
much more firmly established, by acting upon the 
one than upon the other s\ stem. 

The first subject, as it relates to the governed, 
which affords us the means of contemplating the 
character of William Penn as a Christian legislator, 
will be found in the mechanism or structure of his 
own particular Government of Pennsylvania. We 
have already seen the constituent parts of it. It 
consisted of a Governor, a Council, and an Assem- 
bly, the two last of which were to he ahosen by^ and 
therefore to be the RepresentatzTes of the People. 
The Governor was to be perpetual President, but 
he was to have but a treble rote. It was the office 
of the Council to prepare and propose Bills, to see 
that the laws were executed, to take care of the 
peace and safetv of the Province, to settle the situa- 
tion of ports, cities, market- towns, roads, and other 
public places, to inspect the public Treasury, to 


erect Courts of Justice, to institute schools for the 
virtuous education of youth, and to reward the au- 
thors of useful discovery. Not less than two thirds 
of these were necessary to make a quorum, and the 
consent of not less than two thirds of such quorum 
in all matters of moment. The Assembly were to 
have no deliberative power, but, when Bills were . 
brought to them from the Governor and Council, to 
pass or reject them by a plain Yes or No. They 
were to present Sheriffs and Justices of the Peace 
to the Governor, a double number for his choice of 
half. They were to be chosen annually^ and to be 
chosen by secret ballot. 

Such, in few words, was the Constitution, as or- 
ganised by William Penn. When it came out, it 
excited much conversation, and was considered by 
good and wise men not only as admirable in itself, 
out as exceUing all the models which had been 
adopted in the other American colonies^. It ap- 
pears by what has been said that the People had an 

* We have a remarkable instance of the candour of Locke 
upon this subject. Locke, it is well known, drew up at the re- 
quest of Lord Shaftesbury a Form of Government for Carolina, 
which then comprehendeil both the northern and southern dis- 
tricts of that name. It happened that he and William Penn, 
and Mr. (afterwards Sir Isaac) Newton, and others, were in 
company, and that the conversation turned upon the comparative 
excellence of the New American Governments, but particularly 
of those of Carolina and Pennsylvania. The matter was at length 
argued in the presence of the two legislators, when Locke inge- 
nuously yielded the palm to Penn on the occasion. 
VOL* II. E e 


extraordinary share in the Government. Though 
Bills were to be proposed only by the Council, the 
latter could scarcely introduce to the Assembly such 
as would become obnoxious, because a small mi- 
nority could stifle them in their very birth. The 
members of the Assembly could not set their con- 
stituents at defiance or do injury to the State for any 
length of time, for they were only in office for a 
year ; nor could constituents on the other hand, the 
elections being secretly conducted, be overawed in 
their votes, or give offence to their own detriment 
by the same, or lose the opportunity of choosing 
those who they thought would serve their country 
best. One defect, however, has been said to belong 
to the Constitution as now described. The Assem- 
bly, it bas appeared, had no power to propose Bills, 
nor had they any deliberative power over those 
which were sent to them. This exclusion of them 
from the' privileges of the Council has been com- 
plained of as a great oversight in William Penn. 
It has been considered as an unnecessary infringe- 
ment upon freedom, and as depriving the State of 
the talents of many who might have served it. To 
this however it may be replied, that William Penn 
adapted his Constitution to existing circumstances^ 
and that he considered certain parts of it merely as 
parts for triaU Men, v/ho had houses to build for 
immediate shelter, lands to clear and cultivate for 
immediate support, roads to construct, and ])rovi- 
sion to make aqainst all the accidents to which new 
settlements in a wilderness were liable, had but lit- 


tie opportunity for legislation or time to waste in 
debate. It was far better for the Province, that 
William Penn, who had studied the subject, and 
who was a man of great resources, should take upon 
himself, in conjunction with a few, in this infancy of 
things, the proposal of what was necessary: and 
this was the opinion of that great and liberal lawyer 
Sir William Jones, then Attorney-General, a man 
who would rather have given new rights to almost 
any extent, than have withheld the least, if any such 
could have been conducive to a good end. It throws 
no small weight into the scale to say, that this excel- 
lent person both revised and approved of the Con- 
stitution of William Penn, as it was originally offer- 
ed. The alleged defect then was no defect at the 
time: but v/hen it became so it was removed ; for 
it must be brought to the recollection of the reader, 
that in about fourteen )'ears after this time, namely, 
in 1696, when houses had ben erected in numbers, 
lands had been cleared to a considerable extent, ma- 
ny difficulties and impediments removed, and men 
began to have leisure, so that the Assembly found 
that they could exercise the privilege which had 
been denied them, and were desirous of so doing, 
William Penn sanctioned an alteration of the Con- 
stitution to this end, by giving them the power of 
preparing and proposing whatever Bills they were 
of opinion would tend in their operation to the pub- 
lic good. Let it be brought also to his recollection, 
that in the year 1701, when the constitution was 
again altered, he confirmed the privilege. For this 


he obtained something like an encomium from an 
opponent, " On the other hand," says Dr. Frank- 
lin, in his ' Historical View of the Government of 
Pennsylvania,' *' the Assembly, who could not pro- 
pound laws, though they might amend or reject 
them, were put in possession of that privilege, and 
upon the whole, there was much more room for ac- 
knowledgments than complaints." How much 
soever the Governor had grown upon Mr. Penn, 
and how much soever his concern for others had 
worn off when raised to a sphere above them, it is 
plain he had not forgotten his own Trial, nor the 
noble Commentary upon Magna Charta, which in 
his tract called ' The People's ancient and just Li- 
berties asserted ' he had upon that occasion made 
public, wherein he says, " that there were but two 
sorts of Government, namely, Will and Power, or 
Condition and Contract ; that the first was a Go- 
vernment of Men, the second of Laws ; that uni- 
versal Reason was and ought to be among rational 
beings universal Law; that of Laws some were 
fundamental and immutable ; some temporary ^ made 
for present convenience^ and for convenience to be 
changed; that the fundamental Laws of England 
were of all laws most abhorrent of Will and Plea- 
sure ; and that till houses should stand without their 
own foundations, and Englishmen ceased to be En- 
glishmen, they could not be cancelled, nor the sub- 
jects deprived of the benefits of them." 

It will appear then, from the view I have taken of 
what has been considered as a defective part of his 


Government, that he deserves, first, the character of 
a wise Legislator by the adaptation of his system to 
existing circumstances^ and, secondly, that of a vir- 
tuous one by his xvillingness to relinquish a part of 
it when a new situation of things rendered it desi- 
rable. If the end of Government be the general 
happiness — and if its excellence, the happy manner of 
its administration, and its durability, depend upon 
virtue — then it is the duty of a Christian Governor 
to be willing to promote every change which may 
conduce to the improvement of the rational liberty 
or of the moral condition of the governed. I know 
of no instance where a Legislator can display his 
Christian character to more advantage than in this ; 
and it was in this that William Penn so eminently 
shone. He was always willing to change for the 
better, always willing to alter rationally with the 
times. In 1683 he told the Assembly, " that they 
might amend, alter, or add, for the public good ; and 
that he was ready to settle such foundations with 
them as might be for their happiness, according to 
the powers vested in him." In 1701, when he was 
about to leave them to go to England, he exhorted 
them, " seeing all men were mortal, to think of some 
suitable expedient for their safety as well in their 
privileges as in their property, and xo review again 
their Laws, and propose new ones that might better 
suit their circumstances." Here then lies the dif- 
ference between the Christian Statesman and the 
Politician of the World. The former, bring Vir- 
tucywill be pliant and always ready to obey its call.. 


The latter, loving Power ^ will be unwilling to part 
with it. Can any thing be more obvious than that, 
as the moral and political states of kingdoms change, 
the Laws of the same should in some measure be 
changed also ; or that Laws passed in the days of 
ferocity, ignorance, and superstition, are unfit for a 
civilized people ? And yet how obstinate have po- 
litical Governors been in retaining them, though 
they themselves have acknowledged them to be 
useless ! Hence letters of blood, though dead letters 
in themselves, continue to stain the Statute Books 
even of enlightened Legislatures to the present 

The next opportunity we shall have of seeing. 
William Penn in the character of a Christian Le- 
gislator in opposition to that of the Legislator of 
the World will be in the examination of some of 
his Laws. Among these I cannot but notice, and 
prior to all others, that noble one which related to 
Liberty of Conscience, or universal Toleration of 
Faith and Worship. The arguments by which 
he was influenced on this subject have already ap- 
peared ; but as they lie scattered in different parts 
of the Work, I shall collect them, and bring them 
under one point of view, that we may see more 
distinctly the foundation on which it stood. It 
was, he conceived, the prerogative of God alone 
to preside in matters of religious Faith. God 
alone was the Judge of Conscience. All mistakes 
about religion were known to him only. Hence 
carthlv Governors, though it was both their inte- 


rest and their duty to support Religion, had no 
right to erect a tribunal whereby to make them- 
selves judges of religious Faith. They were the 
Kings of men but not of consciences. They had 
nothing to do with men but as civil subjects, such 
as adultererers, thieves, murderers, and those 
whose principles were subversive of industry, fide- 
lity, justice, and obedience. Those, on the other 
hand, who lived soberly and honestly, who gave 
no offence to others, and obeyed all Laws of a 
civil and moral nature, were entitled, notwithstand- 
ing a difference of creed, to their protection. But 
if the said Governors, who were fallible men, es- 
tablished propositions as Articles of Faith and as 
bonds of Christian communion, (propositions form- 
ed by their own fallible interpretation of the Scrip- 
tures,) and excluded those from civil privileges 
who could not conscientiously conform to them, 
and moreover subjected them to severe penalties 
and punishments for this their nonconformity there- 
to, then the said Governors were guilty of the 
crime of usurping the prerogative of Heaven, 
Such conduct on the part of the Governors was, be- 
sides, unreasonable. It was unreasonable to pu- 
nish any man in this world about the things which 
belonged to the next. It was unreasonable again, 
because the mind of man could not be convinced 
by other arguments than those which were ade- 
quate to its own nature. Fines and imprison- 
ments could never be fit punishments for faults 
that were purely iutellectual. It was, besides, pre** 


sumptuous ; because no Governor could say that 
his own was the true Faith. It was also unjust ; 
for nothing could be more unjust than to sacrifice 
the liberty and property of any man, where he was 
not found breaking any law which related to natural 
or civil things. It was a war against pious living, 
which ought to be the only test of the value of men 
as moral beings. It was pure oppression, first, 
because it attempted to prevent what was never 
likely to happen ; for a diversity of religious opin- 
ions never yet endangered a State : and, secondly, 
because it always missed of its end ; for force 
might make hypocrites, but could never make 
converts. Violence never made a true convert, 
nor bodily punishment a sincere Christian. Last- 
ly, such conduct was against both the letter and the 
spirit of the Christian religion. In no part of 
Divine Writ could it be found, that Christ or his 
Apostles had laid down Articles of Faith as ne- 
cessary for Christian communion, and they were 
not wanting to declare the whole counsel of God 
to the Church. Christ, on the other hand, prohi- 
bited all force in producing an uniformity of reli- 
gious opinion. He reproved the zeal of those 
who would have called down fire from heaven on 
the Samaritans, because the latter would not re- 
ceive him. He opposed them again, when on see- 
ing a man casting out devils in his name they forbad 
him, because he would not follow them. He di- 
rectly took off the prohibition ; thus reversing the 
judgment they had given. He said expressly, at 


another time, that there were not many masters in 
his church, but one. He desired that the tares 
and the wheat might be allowed to grow up toge- 
ther till the harvest. The Apostles conducted 
themselves in the same manner. They used no 
carnal weapons in the propagation of their reli- 
gion. Their swords were all of them spiritual, 
and it was by these that they overcame. They 
inculcated also the same doctrine. Who art thou^ 
says the Apostle Paul, who judgest another man^s 
servant ? They recommended Love or Charity as 
the most noble of all the Christian duties, and the 
most worthy of the character of their divine Mas- 
ter. Christ came to us in Love. He died, and 
died for us also, in Love. His religion was found- 
ed in Love. It commanded us also to do as we 
would be done by. Thus we were not to hate, 
persecute, and oppress each other, and much less 
for a mere difference in religious Faith. 

These then were the arguments by which the 
mind of William Penn was influenced on the sub- 
ject of religious Liberty j and knowing how es* 
sential such liberty was to the happiness of man* 
kind, and what man was capable of under the do- 
minion of bigotry and superstition, he dared not 
as a Christian, when he had a new state to form, 
do otherwise than establish an universal Tolera- 
tion there. This he did in the most ample man- 
ner. Jews, Turks, Catholics, Presbyterians, and 
people of all persuasions in religion, were to be en- 
tirely free both as to their Faith and Worship, 


while they conducted themselves properly as citi- 
zens. '' Because," says he, '* no people can be 
truly happy, though under the greatest enjoyment 
of civil liberties, if abridged of the freedom of 
their consciences as to religious profession and 
worship ; and Almighty God being the only Lord 
of Conscience, Father of Lights and Spirits, and 
the Author as well as Object of all divine know- 
ledge, faith, and worship, who only doth enlighten 
the mind, arid persuade and convince the under- 
standing of people, I do hereby grant and de- 
clare, that no person or persons inhabiting this 
Province or Territories, who shall confess and ac- 
knowledge one Almighty God, the Creator, Up- 
holder, and Ruler of the V\''orld, and profess him 
or themselves obliged to live quietly under the ci- 
vil Government, shall be in any case molested or 
prejudiced in his or their person or estate because 
of his or their conscientious persuasion or practice, 
nor be compelled to frequent or maintain any reli- 
gious worship, place, or ministry, contrary to his 
or their mind, or to do or suffer any other act or 
thing contrary to their religious persuasion." And 
so impressed was he upon this subject, as a matter 
of Christian duty, that he determined in his Char- 
ter that the above law should be one of those 
which were never to be changed. " And because," 
savs he, "the happiness of mankind depends so 
much upon the enjoying of the Liberty of their 
consciences as aforesaid, I do hereby solemnlv de- 
clare, promise, and grant, for me and my heirs 


and assigns, that the first article of this Charter, 
relating to Liberty of Conscience, and every part 
and clause therein, according to the true meaning 
and intent thereof, shall be kept and remain, with- 
out any alteration, inviolably for ever." 

Here then we see him again under the sublime 
light of a Christian Legislator, making Liberty of 
Conscience the grand corner-stone of his civil edi- 
fice. What a contrast does this afford to the con- 
duct of those who have legislated in this depart- 
ment on the policy of the world ! The one appears 
to have been actuated by the spirit of Love, Mer- 
cy, and Peace ; the others by that of Pride, Pre- 
sumptuousness, and Revenge. And as the con- 
trast is great betv/een them as it relates to the prin- 
ciple of Legislation on this subject, so it is equally 
great as it relates to its effects. Behold in the 
one case happiness diffused throughout the land, 
and on the other misery and ruin ; behold impri- 
sonments, burnings, deaths in various shapes, so 
that volumes are filled with the cries and groans 
of martyrs ; in the survey of which one painful 
reflection cannot but present itself to our minds, 
namely, that these sufferings were not con^.ned to 
the instrumentality of men who worshipped in 
Heathen temples, or in the Roman Catholic church. 
Nor will the contrast be less, if we look at the ef- 
fects of the two systems in another pomt of view. 
Is it or is it not true, that thousands and tens of 
thousands have left their respective countries in 
consequence of the fear of persecution for religion ? 


and is it or is it not true, that thousands and tens ot 
thousands flocked, on the account of the prospect of 
religious liberty, to the land of William Penn ? In- 
deed it is to this great principle in his Government, 
and to this principally, that historians have attribu- 
ted the rapid population of his colony, rapid almost 
beyond credibility, and certainly beyond example^, 
Anderson, in his " Historical and Chronological 
Deduction of the Origin of Commerce,'^ when 
speaking of Pennsylvania, writes thus : " The same 
year gave rise to the noble English colony of Penn- 
sylvania in North America. Mr. William Penn, 

an eminent Quaker, and a gentleman of great know- 
ledge and true philosophy, had it granted to him at 

this time. He carried thither with him a large 

embarkation of Quakers, afterwards from time to 
time joined by many more from Britain and Ireland* 
On his first arrival there he found man}^ English fa- 
milies in it, and considerable numbers of Dutch and 
Swedes, who all readily submitted to his wise and 
excellent regulations, which highly merit to be 
known to all persons who would apply to colonizing. 
The true wisdom as xvell as equity of his unlimited 
toleration of all religious persuasions^ as well as his 
kind, just, and prudent treatment of the native In- 
* William Penn laid out the plan for Philadelphia in 1682- 
He died in 1718. In this latter year Philadelphia contained about 
1400 houses, and 10,000 inhabitants, and his dominions, alto- 
gether, about 60,000 people. In 1760, when Anderson's book 
came out, there were about 3000 houses in Philadelphia, 20,000 
inhabitants, and altogether in towns, cities, and country, 200,000 


dians, also his Laws, Policy, and Government, so 
endeared him to the planters, and so widel}^ spread 
the fame of his whole oeconomy, that, although so 
lately planted^ it is thought at this day (about the 
year 1760) to have more white people in it^ than any 
other colony on all the continent of English America^ 
New England alone excepted.'^ Edmund Burke, 
in his " Account of the European Settlements in 
America,'' speaks much in the same manner. 
" Neither was William Penn himself wanting in 
any thing which could encourage them ; for he ex- 
pended large sums in transporting and finding them 
in all necessaries ; and not aiming at a sudden profit, 
he disposed of his land at a very light purchase. 
But what crowned all was that noble charter of pri- 
vileges, by v/hich he made them as free as any peo- 
ple in the world, and which has since drawn such 
vast numbers of so many different persuasions and 
such various countries to put themselves under the 
protection of his laws. He made the most perfect 
freedom^ both religious and civil^ the basis of his es* 
tablishment ; and this has done more towards the 
settling of the Province^ and towards the settling of 
itinastrong and permanent manner^ than the wisest 
regulations could have done on any other plan. All 
persons, who profess to believe in one God, are free- 
ly tolerated. Those who believe in Jesus Christ, 
of whatever denomination, are not excluded from 
employments and posts.^' Jedidiah Morse, in his 
^' American Geography," throws out a sentiment to 
the same purport. " By the favourable terms which 
VOL. II. F f 


Mr. Penn ofFt-red to settlers, and an ujilimited tole- 
ration of all religious denominations^ the population 
of the Province was extremely rapid^'^ I may quote 
also John Gough on the occasion, in his " History 
of the People called Quakers from their first Rise 

to the present Time." " That the welfare," says 

he, " and happiness of the people is the end of Go- 
vernment, is a proposition maintained in theory in 
other States, but in Pennsylvania it was reduced to 
practice. A Government established on so equita- 
ble, liberal, and useful a plan induced great numbers 
of people of different persuasions to emigrate from 
various countries to participate in the privileges and 
felicity of this equal Government, the basis of which 
zvas religious and civil liberty : and for a length of 
time, under the pleasing sensation of the ease, secu- 
rity, and change for the better, which they felt from 
their removal hither, people of different nations, 
complexions, and ways of thinking lived together in 
a state of society beautiful in prospect, and happy 
enjoyment in mutually giving and receiving the be- 
nefit of an equality of privileges in peace, amity, and 
benevolence, although not belonging to the same vi- 
sible church, yet as belonging to the same fraternity 
of mankind." 

Another survey of William Penn as a Christian 
Legislator may be taken from the consideration of 
some of his criminal laws. There are two, which 
particularly claim our notice upon this subject. I'he 
first of these abolished the punishment of deaths ex- 
cept in the case, where " whosoever shed man's 


blood, by man should his blood be shed." The se- 
cond ordained, thCit all prisons should be workshops. 
By these two laws it is obvious that he afforded a 
Christian pattern for legislation, for on^ of the prin- 
ciples upon which he proceeded therein, was the re- 
formation of the offender. By taking away his life, 
all hope of this was destroyed. By sparing it, op- 
portuiiity was given him for amendment, and this 
opportunity was to be improved by the introduction 
of habits of industry. The author of '^ The Picture 
of Philadelphia," in speaking of the first of these 
laws, writes thus : '^ The humanity of William 
Penn revolted at the sanguinary punishments of Bri- 
tain, and he therefore attempted an amelioration of 
the penal code. He abolished the ancient oppres- 
sion of forfeitures for self-murder, and deodands in 
all cases of homicide. He saw the w^ickedness of 
exterminating, where it was possible to reform. He 
endeavoured, therefore, to prevent the operation of 
the system-, which the Charter imposed, and amongst 
the fir^t cares of his administration was that of form- 
ing a small, concise, but complete code of criminal 
law. Murder wilful and premeditated is the only 
crime for which the infliction of death is prescribed, 
and this is declared to be enacted in obedience to the 
laws of God, as though there had not been any poli- 
tical necessity even for the punishment ; but no man 
could be convicted but upon the testimony of two^ 
witnesses. Execution also was to be stayed, till the 
record of conviction had been laid before the Exe- 
cutive, and full opportunity given to obtain a pardon. 


for the ofFence." These were undoubtedly the sen- 
timents of William Penn. . Ht saxv^ as this author 
observes, the wickedness of exterminating^ where it 
xvas possible to refoi^m. He considered the punish- 
ment of death, in all other cases but murder, as barba- , 
rous both in its origin, its manner, and its effects. He 
conceived there xvas no xuarrant in Christianity to 
legislators to take axuay life at all. The great end of 
punishment was undoubtedly to deter ^ or to prevent 
others from the commission of crimes ; but, on the 
other hand, it was the great object of the Christian 
religion to reclaim. Christ came principally for 
this purpose upon earth. He came to call sinners 
to repentance. He came, not to destroy, but to 
save. There was more joy in Heaven over one sin- 
ner that repented, than over ninety-nine just per- 
sons, who needed no repentance. He conceived, 
therefore, that it was the duty of a Christian legis- 
lator so to blend both these objects, that they might 
go hand in hand together ; and he was convinced, 
that they were compatible with each other, because 
there were other modes of punishments, which 
would deter equally with that of death. Here then 
we are enabled to compare him again with the legis- 
lator on the policy of the world. How mean and 
little, how wanting in generosity and intellect, does 
the latter appear beside him ! He consigns hun- 
dreds of his fellow-creatures to an untimely death, 
and this for an hundred offences. His system em- 
braces no one principle that is amiable. It has no 
vitals— no bowels,— it discovers no feeling for his 


fellow-man ; no brotherly love towards him ; no re- 
gard for him as a rational and moral being ; no con- 
cern for his eternal interests. It views him only as 
a beast, whom, if he be noxious, he must destroy; 
because, having no reason, he has not that, by which 
he can either be deterred or reclaimed. 

It is not necessary that I should enter into a 
comparison between the merits of the two systems. 
It will be sufficient to show the effects of that which 
was suggested by William Penn. These however 
we shall not be able to see, until we know how the 
two laws, which gave birth to it, were afterwards 
improved upon, and to what length they were carri- 
ed. I may observe then, that they were both of 
them in use in Pennsylvania till the reign of Queen 
Anne. In the year 1705 she abolished the merciful 
one which spared the life of the criminal on so many 
occasions, as not consonant with the English law% 
She restored it however shortly afterwards, and 
probably at the intercession of William Penn, and 
it continued in force for many years, or till the time 
of his death. After this event the statute and common 
law of the mother country was again put into its 
place, and this statute and common law was then act* 
ed upon contrary to the judgment and wishes of the 
inhabitants of Pennsylvania, till after the Revolu- 
tion in British America and its consequent indepen- 
dence. At this epoch an opporcunity being given 
to each State to make its own laws, the Pennsylvani- 
ans restored it to its native station, and placed it on 
a glorious permanency. They were ncv/ enabled to 


do justice to all the legislative propositions of their 
fpunder, by allowing them their full scope. Ac- 
cordingly they revised the other law before mention- 
ed, namely, that zvhich placed all prisons upon the 
footing of -workshops ; and bearing this idea in their 
minds, they produced at length a system of crimi- 
nal jurisprudence, by means of the two, which stands 
unparalleled as to excellence in the history of the 
world. By this system, as it obtains at the present 
day, it appears that wilful and premeditated mur- 
der is the only capital offence in Pennsylvania. All 
other crimes are punished by fine, imprisonment^ 
and labour. All convicted criminals are expected 
to maintain themselves out of their own labour, as 
well as to defray the expenses of their commitment, 
prosecution, and trial. Accordingly, an account 
is regularly kept against them ; and if, when the 
term of their imprisonment is expired, any surplus 
money is due to them on account of their work, it 
is given to them on their discharge. The price of 
prison-labour in its various departments is settled by 
the inspectors of the gaol and those who employ the 
criminals. No corporal punishment is allowed in 
the prison, nor can any criminal be put in irons, it 
being the, object not to degrade him, but to induce 
him to be constantly looking up to the restoration of 
his dignity as a man, and to the recovery of his mo- 
ral character. No intercourse is allowed between 
the males and the females, nor between the untried 
and convicted prisoners. All unnecessary conver- 
sation is forbidden. Profane swearing is never 


overlooked. A watch is kept, that no spirituous li- 
quors be introduced. Care is taken, that all the 
prisoners have the benefit of religious instruction* 
The prison is accordingly open at stated times to 
the pastors of the diiFerent religious denominations 
of the place. A hope is held out to the prisoners^ 
that th^ time of their confinement may be shortened 
by their good behaviour. To realize this, the in- 
spectors have a power of interceding for their en- 
largement, and the executive Government of grant- 
ing it, if they think it proper. If they are refrac- 
tory, they are put into solitary confinement, and 
deprived of the opportunity of working. During 
all this time the expenses of their maintenance are 
going on, so that they have an interest in returning 
to their obedience, and the sooner the better; for 
the sooner they get into employment again the sooner 
they are enabled to liquidate the debt, which, since the 
suspension of their labour, has been accruing on ac- 
count of their bpard and washing to the gaol. 
These are the present regulations ; the consequence 
of which is, that they who visit the criminals in the 
gaol of Philadelphia, seeing no chains or fetters, but 
industry going on unshackled in various depart- 
ments, have no other idea of it than of a free work- 
shop, or of a large and general manufactory, where 
people have consented to work together, or to follow 
in the same place their respective trades. In con- 
sequence of these regulations, great advantages 
have arisen both to the criminals ^nd to the State. 
The State, it is said, has experienced a dimmution 


of crimes to the amount of one half since this 
change in the penal system, and the criminals have 
been restored in a great proportion from the gaol to 
the community as reformed persons. Hence, little 
or no stigma has been attached to them after their 
discharge for having been confined there. They, 
indeed, who have had permission to leave it before 
the time expressed in the sentence, have been con- 
sidered as persons not unfit to be taken into fami- 
lies, or confidentially employed. It may be observ- 
ed also, that sorre of the most orderly and indus- 
trious, and such as have worked at the most profita- 
ble trades, have had sums of money to take on 
leaving the prison, by which they have been enabled 
to maintain themselves till they have got into desi- 
rable and permanent employ. Here then is a code 
of penal law built upon the Christian principle of 
the reformation of the offender. To dwell longer 
upon its merits would be useless. Let it only be 
remembered, that this system obtains no where but 
in Pennsylvania^ and that it is the direct germ ^ only 
trained up by other hands, of the root that -was plan- 
ted in the Constitution of that country by William 



View of him as a statesman upon Christian princi- 
ples as it relates to aliens or foreigners— jirst^ as 
to Dutch and Swedes — secondly^ as to the abori- 
gines or Indians — his Christian object in con- 
necting himself with these — his Christian conduct 
towards them — honourable arid grateful result to 
him and his followers from the same — object and 
conduct of those towards the same who have pro- 
ceeded upon the policy of the world — miserable re* 
suit to the latter — peculiar reason of this result^^ 
his object in the way of being accomplished by his 
descendants — thirdly as to the Negroes or Slaves 
^-^his Christian conduct towards these — happy ef- 
fects of the same — misery produced by those who 
have had any concern with them on the principle 
of the policy of the world. 

We have seen William Penn in the character of 
a Statesman as it relates to the governed. We are 
now to see him as he conducted himself in a similar 
capacity towards aliens or strangers. Of these the 
first were the Dutch and Swedes, who inhabited the 
Territories which had been ceded to him by the 
Duke of York, and of whom I shall say no more, 
than that on his first arrival in Pennsylvania he com- 
prehended all of them in one great Bill of Naturali- 
zation, admitting them to all the civil and religious 


privileges which those of his own countrymen en> 
joyed who had been the companions of his voyage. 

Among the aliens or foreigners more particularly 
to be noticed we may first reckon the Indians ; for, 
though they were the natives, indeed the aborigines, 
of the country, they were yet aliens with respect to 
him. And here we shall find him treading in the 
same Christian path as before, and have an oppor- 
tunity of again contrasting the Statesman of the 
Gospel with that of the mere Politician of the 

The great object which William Penn had in 
view, in connecting himself with the Indians, wa3 
that which was expressed in the Charter, namely, 
" to reduce the savage Nations by just and gentle 
manners to the love of civil society and the Chris- 
tian religion." A nobler object, or one of more di- 
vine origin, or one more full of philanthropy or 
love, never occupied the human heart. It was 
founded on peace and good-will to man. It was to 
bring heathen nations from darkness to light, to 
teach them to become- honest and useful members of 
society, and to spread the knowledge of Christ's 
kingdom. The very thought was as bold as it was 
lovely. It soared above all obstacle or danger. It 
comprehended at once a trust in Providence, which 
seemed to assure him, at the moment, of the accom- 
plishment of the design. 

The means proposed to be used were, it appears, 
as pure and as amiable as the object. How far he 
adopted them, we shall be enabled to see by look 


kig over these Memoirs ; and these will furnish us 
with the following connected account. In the Con- 
ditions made and signed between the Adventurers 
and himself it was stipulated, before any man was 
allowed to sail to the New Land, that whatever was 
to be sold to the Indians in consideration of their 
furs should be sold in the public market-place, and 
there suffer the test wheiher good or bad ; if good, 
to pass ; if not good, not to be sold for good, that 
the natives might not be abused or provoked ; that 
no Adventurer or Planter should in word or deed 
wrong any Indian, but he should incur the same pe- 
nalty of the Law as if he had committed it against 
his Fellow- Adventurer or Planter ; that if any In- 
dian should abuse in word or deed any Adventurer 
or Planter of the Province, the said Adventurer or 
Planter should'not be his own judge upon the said 
Indian, but lay his complaint before the Magistra- 
cy ; and that all differences between the two should 
be ended by twelve men, that is, six Adventurers or 
Planters and six Indians. Having signed these 
Conditions, they were at liberty to sail. Among 
the passengers in the ships were Commissioners. 
As his religious principles did not permit him to 
look upon the King's Patent, or legal possession ac- 
cording to the Laws of England, as sufficient to es- 
tablish his right to the Country, without purchasing 
it by fair and open bargain of the natives, to whom 
alone it properly belonged, he instructed these to 
pav for whatever portions the latter might be willing 
to dispose of. He instructed them also to confirm 


with them a league of eternal peace, and to treat 
them with all possible candour, justice, and huma- 
nity. In a letter sent to them by die same Com- 
missioners, he expressed his desire to enjoy the 
Land only with their love and consent, and to gain 
their love and friendship only by a kind, just, and 
peaceable life. When the Commissioners and Set- 
tlers landed, they erected no forts, nor carried any 
hostile weapon. When afterwards in 1682 he ar- 
rived himself, he exhibited the same inoffensive ap- 
pearance, and the same confidence in their justice. 
At the Great Treaty both he and all his Followers 
appeared equally defenceless, and this amidst a na- 
tion in arms. " It was not his custom," he said, 
" to use weapons of destruction against his fellow- 
creatures ; for which reason he had come unarmed. 
He and his Friends had a hearty desire to live in 
peace and friendship with them, and to serve them 
to the utmost of their power. He should consider 
them as of the same flesh and blood with the Chris- 
tians, and the same as if one man's body was to be 
divided into two parts." In his second voyage in 
1 700 he renewed his former treatment towards them. 
He showed the same regard to justice in all his deal- 
ings with them, and the same tender care and con- 
cern for them both as to their temporal and spiritual 
welfare. Accordingly he proposed to his own 
Monthly Meeting in the same year means, which 
were acceded to, for a more frequent intercourse 
between them and Friends, he taking upon himself 
the manner of it as well as the charge of procuring 


interpreters for thcf purpose. Soon after this he in- 
troduced a legislative Act, which was to be binding 
upon all, both in the Province and Territories, for 
preventing abuses upon them ; and though he did 
not carry it, both his justice and his good-will to- 
wards them were equally manifested by it. His in- 
tercourse, however, with them became purposely 
more frequent after this period, and it was always 
directed towards their good. In the year following 
he conferred with his Council as to the best means 
of keeping up a friendly, useful, and moral commu- 
nication with them, as far as the Executive could do 
it. Hence persons were selected for their integrity 
to form a Company with a joint stock, and to be au- 
thorised by the Government to trade with them. 
These were to keep them from spirituous liquors as 
much as possible, and to use all reasonable means to 
bring them to a true sense of the value of Christi- 
anity, but particularly by setting before them exam- 
ples of probity and candour, and to have them in- 
structed in the fundamentals of it : in short, they 
were to make their trading concerns with them sub- 
servient to the promotion of the Christian religion. 
When he took his leave of them before he departed 
for England the last time, he said with much ten- 
derness, " that he had always loved them and been 
kind to them, and ever should continue so to be, not 
through any politic design, but from a most real af- 
fection." He then charged the Members of the 
Council to behave to them v/ith all courtesy and de- 
monstrations of good-will, as himself had ever 
VOL. II. G g 


done ; and having received from these an assurance 
that his request should be complied with, he took 
his final leave of them. 

It is a law of our nature, where benefits have been 
generously conferred, that there is a disposition to 
return tlfem ; and gratitude, it will appear by the 
sequel, is not excluded from the hearts of those who 
live in an uncivilized state of society, or who are re- 
puted barbarous. It was an observation of William 
Penn, with respect to the Indians, *' Do not abuse 
them, but let them have but justice, and you win 
them, where there is such a knowledge of good and 
evil." It will be pleasing, therefore, to record what 
return they made him for all the care and kindness 
which he had bestowed upon them ; and this will 
appear so great, I may say so unexampled, that 
either his own munificence must have been of much 
larger dimensions than we have been accustomed 
to see, or their hearts must have beaten with a 
pulse which has seldom vibrated in the human 

I may observe then, that the first result of his 
treatment of them showed itself in a grateful re- 
turn on their part by kind and friendly offices both 
to himself and followers. They became indeed the 
benefactors of the Colonists. When the latter 
were scattered abroad in 1682, and without houses 
or food, the Indians, as I have before shown, werC 
remarkably kind and attentive to them. They 
hunted for them frequently, doing their utmost to 
feed them. Th.ev considered them all 4s the chil- 


dren of William Penn ; and, looking upon him 
ever since the Great Treaty as their Father, they 
treated them as Brothers. Richard Townsend, 
who has been before mentioned, confirms the above 
account. " And as our worthy Proprietor," says 
he, " treated the Indians with extraordinary hu- 
manity, they became very civil and loving to us, 
and brought us in abundance of venison." As to 
William Penn himself, " having now such an one 
as he," they said, " they would never do him any 
wrong." Some of the Kings even presented him 
with parcels of land ; and in the year 1701, which 
was the last of his residence among them, several 
of the Tribes, on hearing that he was going to leave 
the country, left their woods, and went purposely 
down to Philadelphia to take their leave of him, 
as a mark of respect and gratitude to their greatest 
human benefactor. 

A second result was manifested in their peace- 
ful and affectionate conduct towards the Settlers, 
so that the latter had no fear, though in a defence- 
less state, for their personal safety, but lived among 
them, though reputed savages, as among their besc 
friends and protectors. ^' As in other countries," 
continues the same Richard Townsend, " the In- 
dians were exasperated by hard treatment-, which 
hath been the foundation of much bloodshed, so ^the 
contrary treatment here by our worthy Proprietor 
hath produced their love and affection." We find 
by a manuscript written by a passenger in one of 
the vessels which carried over some of the first Set- 


tiers, the following account : " A providential' 
Hand was very conspicuous and remarkable in many 
instances which might be mentioned. — The Indians 
v/ere even rendered our benefactors and protec- 
tors. — Without any carnal weapon we entered the 
land, and inhabited therein as safe as if there had 
been thousands of Garrisons." Again : '^ This 
'little State," says Oldmixon, " subsisted in the 
midst of six Indian nations without so much as a 
militia for its defence." And this peaceable State, 
says Proud, " was never interrupted for more than 
seventy years, or so long as the Quakers retained 
power in the government sufficient to influence a 
friendly and just conduct towards them, and to 
prevent or redress such misunderstandings and 
grievances as occasionally happened between them 
and any of the inhabitants of the Province." To 
this it may be added, that as far as the Indians 
and Quakers (who may be considered as the de- 
scendants of William Penn) were concerned, the 
Great Treaty xuas never violated^ a good under- 
standing subsisting at this moment between them 
and the descendants of the original tribes. 

A third result was seen in the extraordinary re- 
gard which the Indians preserved for the memory 
of William Penn after he had left them, and which 
appears to have been handed down from father to 
son in a manner so lively and impressive, that it 
will be difficult ever to eradicate it from their 
minds. In the year 1721, that is, twenty years af- 
ter he had left the Province, a conference was held 


at Conestogo between the five nations, consisting 
of the Maquase, the Oneidas, the Onondagoes. 
the Cayougas, and the Senecas, and Sir William 
Keith, who was then Governor of Pennsylvania:. 
The Chief Speaker on the part of the Indians said, 
among other things, with a countenance which 
showed great respect, " that they should never Jor- 
get the counsel which William Penn gave them; 
and that, though they could not write as the Eng- 
lish did, yet they could keep in their memory what 
was said in their Councils*" 

In the following year, that is, in 1722, the same 
five nations held another conference with Sir Wil- 
liam Keith. They met then at Albany. Sir Wil- 
liam laid his business before them. The Chief of 
the Indians made a reply in behalf of those assem- 
bled. The following is an extract from his speech : 
*' Brother Onas ! You have told us that at the time 
you brightened the covenant chain between us, you 
wished it might be clear and lasting as the sun and 
stars in heaven, for which v/e thank you. And 
we being now all present do in the most solemn and 
public manner renew the covenant, and brighten 
the chain made between us, that the lustre thereof 
may never be obscured by any clouds or darkness, 
but may shine as clear and last as long as the sun in 
the firmament. Brother Onas ! You have like- 
wise told us how William Penn, who was a good 
?2ian^ did at ht^ first settlement of the province of 
Pennsylvania make leagues ■-:' friendship with the 
Indians and treated them like brethren, and jhat, 


Hie the same good ?na?i^ he left it in charge to all 
his Governors who should succeed him, and to all 
the people of Pennsylvania, that they should al- 
ways keep the covenants and treaties which he 
made with the five nations, and treat them with 
love and kindness. We acknowledge that his Go- 
vernors and people have ahvays kept the same 
honestly and truly to this day ; so we on our part 
always have kept and for ever shall keep firm peace 
and friendship with a good heart to all the people 
of Pennsylvania. We thankfully receive and ap- 
prove of all the articles in your proposition to us, 
and acknowledge them to be good and full of love. 
We receive' and approve of the same with our 
whole hearts, because we are not only made one 
people by the covenant chain, but "we also are peo- 
ple united in one head, one body, and one heart, 
by the strongest ties of love and friendship. Bro- 
ther Onas ! We say further, rve are glad to hear 
the former treaties made with William Penn re* 
peated to us again ^ and renexved by you^ and we 
esteem and lo'oe you as if you were William Penn 

In the year 1742 a treaty was made at Philadel- 
phia by George Thomas, Esq. then Governor of 
Pennsylvania, with the six nations, when Canas- 
satego. Chief of the Onondagoes, said, '^ We are 
all very sensible of the kind regard xvliich that good 
man^ William Penn^ had for all the Indians.'*'^ 

At a Council held with the Seneca and other In- 
dians in Philadelphia in 1749, in the Administra- 

ar WILLIAM PBNiv% 343 

tion of James Humilton, Esq., Ogaushtash in a 
part of his speech thus expressed himself: We re- 
commend it to the Governor to iread in the steps 
of those xuise people who have held the reins of go^ 
vernment before him^ ht being good and kind to the 
Indians. Do, Brother, make it your study to con- 
sult the interest of our nations. As you have so 
large an authority, you can do us much good or 
harm. We would therefore engage your influence 
and affections for us, that the same harmony and 
mutual affection may subsist during your govern- 
ment, which so happily subsisted in former times ; 
nay^ from the first settlement of this Province by 
our good friend the great William Penn*'^ 

At a treaty held at Easton in Pennsylvania with 
the Indians in 1756, during the Administration of 
Governor Morris, Teedyuscung, the Delaware 
Chief, spoke as follows : '^ Brother Onas, and the 
people of Pennsylvania ! We rejoice to hear from 
you, that you are willing to renew the ancient good 
understandings and that you call to mind the first 
treaties of friendship made by Onas^ our great 
Friend^ deceased with our forefathers, when him- 
self and his people first came over here. We take 
hold of these treaties with both our hands, and de- 
sire you will do the same, that a good understand- 
ing and true friendship may be re-established. 
Let us both take hold of these treaties, we beseech 
you : we on our side will certainly do it." 

Again, on concluding a peace in July, the same 
year, Teedyuscung said, *' I wish the same good 


Spirit, that possessed the good old man William Penn^ 
who was a friend to the Indians^ may inspire the 
people of this Province at this time," 

In this manner I might go on by extracting from 
the speeches made at the Indian treaties for a longer 
period. Suffice it to say, that the Indians perpetu- 
ated the memory of William Penn by giving the 
name of Onas to every succeeding Governor of 
Pennsylvania, and that they called the Quakers, his 
descendants, either Brothers Onas, or the Sons of 
the Friends of Onas, at the present day. 

Having now seen William Penn in the character 
of a Christian Statesman as he was concerned with 
one of the classes of aliens in his dominions ; that is, 
having seen his object in connecting himself with 
these, and the means which he employed to promote 
it ; and having witnessed the brilliant result of his 
endeavours both as to himself and his followers, I 
must inquire into the motives, conduct, and success 
of those Statesmen who have visited foreigners and 
made establishments among them, but who have 
proceeded on the old plan of political expediency, 
or, as the phrase more usually is, on the policy of 
the world. 

It is a grievous matter to be obliged to begin with 
stating, that, though Christianity has been preached 
nearly two thousand years, I know of no Prince, 
Statesman, or Governor, who has opened an inter- 
course with barbarous nations for the sole and ex- 
press purpose " of reducing (as William Penn's 
Charter expresses it) the savage natives to the lov^ 


©f civil society and the Christian religion ;" or (as 
his Petition for the same has it) " of promoting the 
glory of God by the conversion of the Gentiles to 
Christ's kingdom." Good men, I mean individ- 
uals, have visited foreign lands with this amiable 
view, and have exposed themselves to hardships and 
dangers, and indeed have given up their lives to the 
cause. Witness the Moravians and other estima- 
ble persons. But among the Governments of the 
world since the Christian aera, no one, that I have 
heard of, ever made an establishment among unen- 
lightened nations for this especial purpose. Their 
object has been generally avarice or ambition, or, in 
other words, to promote conquest or extend trade. 
Need I bring in proof of this the early history of 
our own establishments in Africa and Asia, that 
those by the Dutch on the same continents, that of 
of those by the Spaniards and Portuguese in Af- 
rica and South America, or that of those by 
others professing the Christian name? It would 
seem therefore as if William Penn stood alone as a 
Statesman in the promotion of the object as now ex- 
plained. Not even in the neighbouring colonies of 
North America, settled there either prior to or 
about this period, had any one of the founders the 
same views in this respect as William Penn. Some 
•migrated there under leaders or governors purely 
upon motives of speculation. Others, it must be 
admitted, did the same with a raote laudable inten- 
tion, both of affording and of finding an asylum 
from religious persecution, and of establishing re- 


ligious freedom. But these advantages were whol- 
ly for themselves^ or for those who forwarded the 
adventure. The benefit of the natives, among 
whom they were to settle, was never included in the 

The conduct too, which they manifested after 
their arrival there, did not consist of " those just 
and gentle manners" which the Pennsylvanian Char- 
ter prescribed. The first thing they did was to 
raise forts, to make a show with their arms, to ex- 
ercise themselves in the same, and to present them- 
selves, though few in number, under the aspect of a 
warlike and formidable people. Having secured 
themselves in this manner, they too frequently took 
advantage of the ignorance of the natives. They 
tried rather to outwit them than to be just. For 
this purpose they introduced spirituous liquors a- 
mong them. Their measures in short too generally 
partook both of fraud and violence, so that we have 
often occasion to blush for their proceedings and for 
the honour of the christian name. 

It will not be a matter of surprise, but on the other 
hand to be expected, that a conduct in itself barba- 
rous should be accompanied by a barbarous result. 
Accordingly we find a great difference between the 
treatment of these, and of those who settled on the 
same continent under the auspices of William Penn. 
Oldmixon says, '^ they (the Indians) have been very 
civil to the English (Pennsylvanians), who never 
lost man, woman, or child by them (A. 1708); 
which neither the colony of Maryland, nor that of 


Virginia, can say, no more than the great colony of 
New England." Hence, we find in the same au- 
thor that the Indians of Maryland, Carolina, Vir- 
ginia, and of the Massachusetts, murdered the Eng- 
lish, and that the colonists of these parts were 
obliged to keep a strong militia against them. The 
fact is, that, generally speaking, the first settlers in 
these provinces, and those who succeeded them, 
were great suff'erers from the natives. There were 
times when they could neither cultivate their fields 
nor travel on their business without fear of destruc- 
tion by the latter, and when they were obliged to 
retire to and to live in garrison for their safety. 

It will be unnecessary, I apprehend, to refer to 
history for specific instances in confirmation of the 
above statement. It will be far more profitable to 
enquire, what was the reason, if one can be pointed 
out more distinctly than another, why the settlers 
under William Penn should have been so singularly 
preserved, while so many of the others were de- 
stroyed ? The answer to this inquiry, it will be said, 
will be that which I have already given, namely, 
that a general bad conduct may be expected to be 
accompanied by a general bad result. But this 
answer is not pi;ecise enough to be admitted in the 
present case ; for, next to William Penn, the Lord 
Baltimore, a Catholic, who has been already men- 
tioned to have had the honour of being the first 
American Governor to allow a full Toleration in re- 
ligion, conducted himself in the most unexceptiona- 
ble manner, in his province of Maryland, towards 


those Indians who siirrounded him; and yet these, 
when they had been provoked bv the Virgiivi'iis, 
did not stop their ravages when within the Territo- 
ries of the latter, but carried destruction with them j 
whereas, whatever the quarrels of the Pennsylvanian 
Indians were with others, they uniformly respected 
and held as it were as sacred the Territories of 
William Penn. The truth is, that the Marylanders 
carrying with them from Europe their old princi- 
ples and prejudices, or in other words acting upon 
the policy of the zvarld^ hQg2Ln to hmld forts and to 
show themselves in arms, and this, not after they 
had received any provocation to just fy the measure^ 
but merely on the anticipation^ or from the fear^ 
that^ the natives in the vicinity being reputed barba- 
rous^ they might be subjected to insults^ and ulti- 
mately destroyed. The conduct on the part of 
the Maryland-settlers, though it had no offensive in- 
tention in it, was yet sufficient to infuse a suspicion 
into the minds of the natives, that they were not 
the friendly people they professed. It exhibited 
the power ^ and therefore it conveyed the notion^ of 
annoyance; whereas the motives of William Penn, 
when he made similar professions, could neither be 
questioned nor mistaken ; for it must have been obvi- 
ous to the least discerning of the natives around him, 
that having no fort, no cannon, no pistol, no sword, 
but only a few fowling pieces for defence against wild 
beasts, or to procure food on urgent occasions, they 
could have nothing to fear either from him or his 
followers \ for the latter had put it totally out of 


their own power to injure them. Thus going among 
xYiQxxiuponthe principle of the GospelyOr carrying with 
them the Quaker principle, that all war was against 
-both the letter and spirit of Christianity, he and 
they became armed, though without arms ; they be-* 
came strong, though without strength ; they became 
safe, though without the ordinary means of safety ; 
and I am convinced, that the history of the different 
American colonies now under our consideration 
will bear me out in asserting, that this.was tfee true 
reason, why in the one case the settlers were so sin- 
gularly preserved, and why they were subjected to 
such fears and suffering in the other. 

In appealing to their history for this purpose, I 
may lay it down as a position not to be denied, that 
the Indians were in general well disposed towards 
the different settlers on their arrival, and that they 
gave sufficient proofs of this their friendly disposition 
towards them. Notwithstanding this, Dr. Trum- 
bull in his History of Connecticut, one of the New 
England States, makes the following observation : 
"As these infant settlements," says he, "were 
filled and surrounded with numerous savages, the 
people conceived themselves in danger when they 
lay down and when they rose up, when they went 
out and when they came in. Their circumstances 
were such, that it was judged necessary ioY tvtry 
man to be a soldier. The consequence was, that, 
when thev began to exhibit a military appearance, 
several of them were way-laid and killed by the 
Pequots, for so the Indians were named in this 
VOL. II. Hh 


quarter. Hence followed greater warlike preparations 
on the one side, and greater suspicion on the other, 
till at length open war commenced between them, 
during which great excesses were committed by 
both parties." 

Thomas Chalkley, an eminent Minister of the 
Gospel among the Quakers, in his visit to another 
part of New England in the year 1704, speaks very 
much to the purpose thus : " About this time the 
Indians were very barbarous in the destruction of 
the English inhabitants, scalping some, and knock- 
ing out the brains of others (men, women, and chil- 
dren), by which the country was greatly alarmed 
both night and day ; but the great Lord of all was 
pleased wonderfully to preserve our Friends^ especi- 
ally those who kept faithful to their peaceable 
principles^ according to the doctrine of Christ in 
the Holy Scriptures, as recorded in his excellent 
Sermon which he preached on the Mount, in the 
fifth, sixth, and seventh chapters of Matthew, which 
is quite opposite to killing, revenge, and destruction, 
even of our enemies." 

A little further on he gives a similar account* 
" A neighbour," says he, " of the aforesaid people, 
told me that, as he was at work in his field, the 
Indians saw and called to him, and he went to them. 
They told him that they had no quarrel with the qua- 
kers,yir they were quiet^ peaceable people^ and hurt 
nobody^ and that therefore none should hurt them. — 
Those Indians began about this time to shoot peo- 
ple down as they rode along the road, and to knock 


them on the head in their beds, and very barba- 
rously murdered many ; but we travelled the coun- 
try and had large meetings, and the good presence 
of God was with us abundantly, and we had great 
inward joy in the Holy Ghost in our outward jeo- 
pardy and travels. The people generally rode and 
zuent to their xvorship armed; but Friends went to 
their meetings without either sword or gun^ hav- 
ing their trust and confidence in God." 

John Fothergill, another eminent Minister of 
the same Society, who travelled about two years 
afterward into the same and also into oth:;r parts of 
the New England States, gives a similar account. 
'' It was then a very exercising and trying time 
with Friends here, by reason of the bloody incur- 
sions that the Indians then frequently made upon 
the English, being hired by the French about 
Quebec, which lies behind New England to the 
north-west, so that many of the English inhabitants 
were frequently murdered in their houses, or shot, 
or knocked dov/n on the road or in the fields. 
Some were carried away captives ; and those whom 
they killed they cut with their great knives round 
the head about the skirt of the hair, and then pulled 
the skin off the head ; and for every such skin, 
v/hich they call a scalp, they were to have a sum 
of money. These barbarities caused many people 
to leave their habitations with their families, and 
retire into garrisons, v/hich the people built in ma- 
ny places for their greater security. Yet that, 
which was sorrowful to me to observe, was, that- 


Tew of them seemed to be affected with due con- 
sideration, so as to be awakened to think rightly 
of the cause of this heavy chastisement, and be 
induced to seek the Almighty's favour, as they^ 
ought. But it was a profitable, humbling time 
to many of our Friends, rvho generalhj stood 
in the fa'ith^ and kept at their usual places of 
abode^ though at the daily hazard of their lives: 
and it was very remarkable, that scarce any^ who 
thus kept their habitations in the faith^ were suf- 
fered to fall by the Indians^ though few days pas- 
sed but we heard of some of their cruel murders 
and destroying vengeance. We were in these 
parts backwards and forwards a considerable time, 
having many meetings before we could be clear 
to leave them, which, through the merciful re- 
gard and succouring nearness of the Almighty- 
power and presence, Avas satisfactory to us, and 
very strengthening and comfortable to Friends ; 
we and they being all graciously preserved^ 
though in the open country^ and we lodged se- 
veral times at a Friend'^s house at some distance 
from the garrison ; and we had reason to believe 
a party of Indians was for some time about it, the 
marks of their feet being plainly to be seen th^ 
next morning ; but they xvent axvay rvithout doing 
any damage^ though it xvas but a mean little tim- 
berrhouse^ and easy to break into*^^ 

It appears, as far as we have yet disclosed the 
contents of the two Journals, that the Quakers, 
who never tised weapons of war like other people^ 


but lived in a defenceless state, were marked as it 
were for preservation by those very Indians, who 
were carrying death and destruction among all the 
other settlers promiscuously wherever an opportu- 
nity was afforded them. Three instances however 
occur in the Journal of Thomas Chalkley, where 
persons belonging to the Society were killed ; but 
it is remarkable that, in every one of these, they 
suffered, because^ haTing out of fear abandoned 
their own great principle in the case before us^ they 
gave the Indians reason to suppose that, though 
they appeared to be outwardly, z/e*^ they had ceas- 
ed to be^ real fakers. *•'• Among the many 
hundreds,'' says Thomas Chalkley, " that were 
slain, I heard but of three of our Friends being 
killed, whose destruction was very remarkable, as 
I was informed. The one was a woman, and the 
other two were men. The men used used to go 
to their labour without any weapons, and trusted 
to the Ahuighty and depended on his providence 
to protect them (^it being their principle not to use 
weapons oj war to offend others or to defend them- 
selves^ : but a spirit of distrust taking place, they 
took weapons of xvar to dejend themselves ; and the 
Indians, who had seen them several times without 
them, let them alone ^ say?ng^ they were peaceable 
men and hurt nobody^ therefore they would not hrirt 
them ; but now seeing them have guns^ and suppose 
ing they designed to kill the Indians^ they therefore 
shot them dead.^^ 


With respect to the woman, the story is rather 
long. I will state it however concisely by observ- 
ing, that she had remained in her habitation with 
others of her family, where both she and they had 
been safe ; but that the massacres in the neighbour- 
hood had been such, that she began at length to 
fear for her life. At this moment certain men 
coming from the garrison with their guns, and in- 
forming her that the Indians were near, she return- 
with them, and entered into it. While she was 
there she became uneasy. She felt that she had 
abandoned one of the great principles of her reli- 
gion, by an association with armed people, and 
therefore she left the fort ; but on returning home 
the Indians, who had seen her come out of it, and 
rvho therefore supposed her to belong to^ or to hold 
the same principles withy those who were then in it^ 
watched, way-laid, and killed her. 

The above instance is likewise mentioned by 
Thomas Story in his Journal, who travelled in the 
same year to the same parts ; but he adds another 
of a similar kind, which, as it is to the same pur- 
port, and is the only other I am acquainted with, 
I shall give to the reader in his own words. '^ And 
the same morning,'' says he, " a young man, a 
Friend, and tanner by trade, going from the town 
to his work with a gun in his hand^ and another 
with him without any^ the Indians shot him who 
xvho had the gun^ but hurt not the Qther : and when 
they knew the young man they had killed was a 
Friend^ they seemed to be sorry for it^ but blamed 


him for carrying a gun ; for they knew the fakers 
xvould not fight nor do them any harm^ ; and there- 
fore, by carrying a gun^ they took him for an ene- 

Having now canvassed the great subject under 
the head ^ Indians' in its different branches, as I had 
originally proposed, I must bring the attention of 
the reader back to one of them, namely, to the ob- 
ject which William Penn had in coniieciing himself 
with these, just to show how no good effort is ever 
lost, or how this object, which he had so much at 
heart, and which he was the first to propose, is in 
the way of being accomplished by his descendants. 
When in his own monthly Meeting at Philadelphia 
he procured the minute to be passed, by which a 
more regular intercourse was to be kept up with 
them, who could have thought that he then laid the 
foundation of the civilization of the different North 
American tribes ? and yet such most probably will 
be the issue. From that time a communication be- 
tween them and his own Society for this laudable 
purpose was incorporated as a duty into the disci- 
pline of the latter ; and this has been kept up, sub- 
ject to interruption more or less on account of the 
wars of Europe. In process of time, that which had 

* As a further confirmation of the theory I have advan- 
ced, I may observe, that we seldom hear ol missionaries being 
killed, though thousands have gone and resided among savages ; 
but then they have gone thither bo^h professionally and practi- 
cally as the children of William Penn, that is, in the spirit of 
peace and naithout arms. 


been the duty only of the Monthly Meeting of Phi- 
ladelphia became the duty of several larger circles, 
or Quarterly Meetings, that is, of the Great Yearly 
Meeting, which comprehended the Quaker-popula- 
tion of a part of Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Dela- 
ware, and the eastern parts of Maryland, and after 
that of another Yearly Meeting, which comprehend- 
ed the Society in other parts of Pennsylvania, the 
western shore of Maryland, Virginia, and Ohio.^ 
This increased population afforded of course in-» 
creased means, and such as were more proportioned 
to the magnificence of the end. Hence civilization 
has been offered by the descendants of William 
Penn spread over this great extent of country to the 
Senecas, Oneidas, Onondagoes, Cayugas, Shawa- 
nese, Delawares, Wyandots, Cherokees, Creeks, 
Chickesaws, Choctaws, Tuscaroras, Miamis, and 
other Indians, most of whom have more or less em- 
braced it, and some of whom are on the road to an 
important change. Those who hav« been the 
longest under their kind instructors have made the 
greatest progress, and among these some have al- 
ready arrived at that station, where, when they view 
themselves as they are, and look back upon what 
they were, there is but little danger of a relapse. The 
tribe of Senecas settled at Allegany are, I believe, in 
the most prominent state of improvement. From 
wild hunters, constantly roaming about and depend- 
ing from day to day on a precarious subsistence, 
they have become stationary farmers, and taught to 
look for a more certam and permanent support from 


the produce of their lands. It appears by the last 
Report, that the improvement among them in the 
three last years has been astonishing. They had 
erected nearly a hundred houses since that time, 
most of them two stories high, and well put up with 
hewn logs, very perpendicular at the corners, and 
nicely fitted together. These buildings, with very 
little exception, were their own work. They had 
opened good roads, which were remarkably well 
made, being superior to those among the frontier 
white inhabitants. They had made also an equal 
progress upon their farnis. Their fences were ge- 
nerally good. Divers of them raised wheat, oats, 
buckwheat, potatoes, turnips, beans, squashes, pump^ 
kins, cucumbers, and melons of various kinds. They 
had a number of horses and a good stock of cattle 
and hogs, which were of their own rearing. They 
mowed their ground, and made hay, and preserved 
straw as fodder for the winter. Many of them used 
the plough. They had grist and saw-mills among 
them. Some could weave and tan. The idea of 
property began to be prevalent among them. They 
began to be neater in their persons, and almost all of 
them had abandoned the use of spirituous liquors. 
With respect to the women, they had been exempt- 
ed in a great degree from the drudgery of field -la- 
bour. Their principal employment was that of spin- 
ning, knitting, and making soap. Such is the state 
of the Senecas residing near the Allegany river. 
" The above statement," savs one of the deputation, 
who visited them, " exhibits the progress of one 

358 MEMOIRS OF TrtE hlTH, 

tribe towards civilization, and furnishes those inte- 
rested in their welfare with great encouragement ia 
the prosecution of a work so well calculated to in- 
crease the comforts of human life, — But we were 
as much encouraged (says the same person) with 
the Senecas, who resided on the river Cattaraugus, 
as with those of the Allegany, although the improve- 
ments were not so great, they being more remotely 
situated and of later date.'* Hence the reformation 
of one tribe will, it is to be hoped, be succeeded by 
the reformation of another, each in turn, as it shall 
have served its apprenticeship, if I may use the ex- 
pression, or as it shall have fulfilled the period neces- 
sary for the knowledge required. And hence a 
prospect is opened to us, truly gratifying, in whick 
we see nation after nation included, till at length 
Heathenism itself shall be no more : and if ever 
this happy day should arrive on the Northern part 
of the continent of America, it ought to be held in 
grateful remembrance by posterity, that the bless- 
ing# commenced in the virtuous politics of William 

• It is melancholy to think, that the beautiful plan of civiliza" 
tion thus going on among so many of the Indian tribes is likely to 
be most seriously interrupted by the war between Great Britain 
and America. One of the first measures taken by the Govern- 
ment of Canada, after the declaration of war by the United 
States, was to attempt to bring over to the British standard as 
many of the tribes bordering on the north-western frontier of the 
latter as they could. Several of these joined it. The consequence 
was, that many of their villages were laid waste by the militia 
from the western States, and the whole of the com and other 


"We are now to see William Penn as he conduct- 
ed himself as a statesman upon Christian principles 
towards another class of aliens, namely, those Ne- 
groes who were brought from Africa into Pennsyl- 
vania soon after that colony began. 

In the years 1681, 1682, and 1683, when he wHs 
iBirst resident there, but very few of these had been 
imported. At this time, as I then observed, the 
traffic in slaves was not branded with infamy as at 
the present day. It was considered as favourable to 
both parties ; to the Planters, because they had but 
few labourers in comparison with the extent of their 
lands ; and to the poor Negroes themselves, because 
they were looked upon as persons redeemed out ef 
superstition, idolatry, and heathenism, and to be 
treated well in order that they might embrace the 
Christian religion. Hence, their number being very 
few and their usage comparatively mild, their situa- 
tion seemed to be such as not to call for legislative 

subsistence which they had provided for their winter supply de- 
stroyed; so that being destitute of houses to shelter themselves, 
or food, many must in the course of the last winter have perish- 
ed. Of the tribes on the north-western frontier, only the Dela- 
wares, Shawanese, and a part of the Wyandors refused to em- 
bark in the contest Among the southern the Creeks, Cherokees, 
Chickesaws, and Chocktaws remained also neuter These are all 
advancing rapidly towards civilization, many of rhem having ac- 
quired considerable property. They already manufacture a con- 
siderable part of their own clothing. In consequence of their 
wise determination to take no part in the war, they have not 
been molested ; and, therefore, it is to be hoped that they wifl 
continue in an improving state. 


interference. All, therefore, that he then did was 
generally to inculcate tenderness towards them, as 
to persons of the same species ; and to recommend 
it to their masters, as they were children of the same 
great Father and heirs of the same promises, to con- 
sider them as branches of their own families, for 
whose spiritual welfare it became them to be con- 
cerned. But in the year 1 700, that is, about seven- 
teen years afterwards, when he visited America a 
second time, he found their numbers so much in- 
creased, that they were likely to form no inconside- 
rable part of the population in time. Now it was 
that their case began to demand his attention as a 
Christian Statesman. He began to question, whe- 
ther under the Christian system men ought to be 
consigned to unconditional slavery ; whether they 
ought to be bought and sold ; whether the situation 
of master and slave under such terms was not preg- 
nant both with physical and moral evil ; whether the 
human heart would not become corrupted and har- 
dened by the use of power ; and whether, therefore, 
if no public care were exercised over the poor Ne- 
groes, they would not become an oppressed people. 
This question he determined virtuously and in uni- 
son with the Resolutions of two Yearly Meetings 
which had been held before in his own Province. 
For the honour, therefore, of his own Society as a 
professing people, and that the Negroes might stand 
still more minutely upon record on their public Jour- 
nals, and this as beings whose situation entitled them 
to spiritual attention equally with others of a diffe- 


rent complexion and colour, (considerations which 
he knew well would for ever secure them protection 
from those who belonged to it,) he resolved, as far 
as his own powers w^ent, upon incorporating their 
treatment as a matter of Christian duty into the 
Disciphne of the latter. He succeeded; and the 
result was, that a Minute was passed by the Month- 
ly Meeting of Philadelphia, and properly registered 
there, by which a Meeting was appointed more par- 
ticularly for the Negroes once every month ; so that, 
besides the common opportunities they had of col- 
lecting religious knowledge by frequenting the pla- 
ces of public worship, there w^as one day in the 
month, in which, as far as the influence of the 
Monthly Meeting extended, they could neither be 
temporally nor spiritually overlooked. 

Having secured their treatment in a certain de- 
gree among those of his own persuasion, his next 
object was to secure it among others in the Colony, 
on whom the discipline of the Quakers had no hold, 
by a legislative Act. This was all he could do at 
present. To forbid the bringing of slaves into the 
Colony was entirely out of his power. He had no 
command whatever over the external commerce of 
the Mother-Country. Ht was bound, on the other 
hand, by his Charter, to admit her imports ; and at 
this moment she particularly encouraged the Slave- 
trade. The power he had as Governor extended 
only to Laws or Regulations within his own boun- 
daries J and these were not to be contrary to reason, 
or the spirit of the British Constitution* Of this 

^0L*II. li 


then he availed himself j for he considered Slavery 
as a frightful excrescence, which had insensibly 
grown up since the discovery of the New World, 
and which the latter, though it permitted, could not 
recognise. His first step was to introduce a Bill 
into the Assembly, which should protect the Ne- 
groes from personal ill-treatment, by fair trials and 
limited punishments ; and which at the same time, 
by regulating their marriages, should improve their 
moral condition. This he did with a viev/ of fitting 
them by degrees for a state of freedom ; and as the 
Bill comprehended not only those who were then in 
the Province and Territories, but those who should 
afterwards be brought there, he hoped that it would 
lay the foundation, as it were, of a preparatory 
school for civilization and liberty to all of the Afri- 
can race. Here then we see him acting the part of 
a Christian Statesman towards another class of ali- 
ens, and these the vilest w^ithin his boundaries. That 
he did not carry his Bill in the Assembly is to be 
lamented. But his mind, his spirit, his intention, 
were equally shown by the effort which he made, 
and he is equally entitled to our praise and gratitude 
as if he had succeeded on the occasion. 

But though unfortunately for his own feelings he 
failed in carrying his point where he conceived he 
should be most useful, the pains he had taken upon 
the subject were not lost. The Resolution, which 
he had occasioned his own Society to make, and 
which has been just mentioned, answered the same 


end, though it took a much longer time to accom- 
plish it: for, when he procured the insertion of it in 
the Monthly Meeting Book of Philadelphia, he 
sealed as assuredly and effectually the abolition of 
the Slave-Trade and the emancipation of the Ne- 
groes within his own Province, as, when he procur- 
ed the insertion of the Minute relating to the Indi- 
ans in the same Book, he sealed the civilization of 
the latter ; for from the time the subject became in- 
corporated into the Discipline of the Quakers they 
never lost sight of it. Several among them began 
to refuse to purchase Negroes at all, and others to 
emancipate those which they had in their possession, 
and this of their own accord, and purely from the 
motives of religion ; till at length it became a Law 
of the Society that no Member could be concerned, 
either directly or indirectly, either in buying or sel- 
ling or in holding them in bondage ; and this Law 
was carried so completely into effect, that in the year 
1 780, dispersed as the Society was over a vast tract 
of country, there was not a single Negro as a slave 
in the possession of an acknowledged Quaker. 
This example, soon after it had been begun, was 
followed by others of other religious denominations. 
After this the American Revolution, which dis- 
seminated notions of Liberty, and which ended in 
Independence, aided the good cause. Since that 
time it has been gradually gaining ground, so that 
out of tens of thousands of slaves once in Pennsyl- 
vania very few comparatively remain, and these aee 


annually^ so diminishing, that probably in ten yeai;s 
there will not be left a single one to pollute the ter- 
ritory of William Penn. 

I shall not enter here, according to the plan I have 
pursued, into a detail of the conduct of those States- 
men, and the miserable consequences of it, who have 
had any concern with the Negroes on the principle 
of the Policy of the World. The subject is too 
well known, and I should only be torturing the feel- 
ings of the reader by a comparison. Posterity, I 
believe, will in more distant ages find it difficult to 
credit the enormities to which they have given birth. 
They will wonder how such a system could ever 
have been thought of, and much more how it could 
have so long continued. They will probably mark 
with barbarism the age that introduced it ; nor will 
they probably speak of Britain herself as civilized, 
till the day when she abolished the Slave-Trade ; or 
till that other day yet to come, when the word Sla- 
very shall be erased from the book which enumerates 
her foreign possessions. 

* From a census taken of the population of Pennsylvania at 
three successive periods, we are enabled to give the following 

Population in 1790—434,373 — Slaves 3,737 

1800— 602,365— do. 1,706 

1810--810,091— do. 795 

From the same census we are enabled to give a similar account 

df that of the city of Philadelphia for the same years : 

Population in 1790— 42,520— Slaves 273 

1800— 64,035— do. 55 

1§10- 93,640— do '"^ 



Recapitulation of the traits in the preceding chapters 
of his legislative character as a Christian — has 
exhibited himself besides as the ruler of a king- 
dom without a soldier — and also without an oath — 
Great Treaty with the Indians never ratified by 
an oath and yet never broken — Indians made in- 
cursions into Pennsylvania in 1754, but never 
while the ^takers ruled — causes of these incur- 
sions — peace restored by the fakers — Father 
O* Leary^s eidogium on the Government of William 
Penn — happy condition of Pennsylvania under 
it — conclusion* 

It has appeared, from the two preceding chap- 
ters, that William Penn exhibited a new model of 
Government to posterity. While he gave to the 
Representatives concerned in it all the power which 
they themselves could desire, he made the people, 
according to Edmund Burke, ''as free as any in 
the world." He toot awav from both the means 
of corruption and from himself and successors the 
means of tvranny and oppression. It may be re- 
membered perhaps how nobl\ , when he was draw- 
ing up the articles of his Constitution, he expressed 
himself in a letter to R. Turner on this subject.^ 
*' And as my understanding and inclinations," says 
he, " have been much directed to obs? rve and to re- 
prove mischiefs in Governments, so it is now pn,^, 
I 12 


into my power to settle one. For the matters of 
Liberty and Privilege I purpose that which is extra- 
ordinary, and leave myself and successors no power 
of doing mischief that the xuill of one man may not 
hinder the good of a xvhole country P 

It has appeared secondly, that he made universal 
Toleration the great comer-stone of his civil edi- 
fice, not fearing to put into the most important offi- 
ces of State all those who believed in Jesus Christ, 
the Saviour of the world ; or, in other words, not 
fearing any inconvenience from the collision of the 
minor though different tenets which they professed. 

It has appeared thirdly, that he abolished the 
the punishment of death except in the case of wil- 
ful murder ; and that he made those prisons, in 
which the public safety required offenders to be con- 
fined, the^ schools of their reformation through the 
medium of industr^^; by which he laid the founda- 
tion of the finest code of criminal law now on the 
whole earth. 

. It has appeared again, that he conducted himself 
towards those aliens, with whom he happened to be 
politically connected, as men and brethren, and 
therefore as persons whose temporal and spiritual 
interests were to be severally promoted. Hence, he 
protected the helpless, he instructed the ignorant, 
and he attempted to raise them gradually in the scale 
of human beings. 

Aud it has appeared lastly, that after his Consti- 
tution had been accepted, sealed, signed, and put in 
force, he did not cleave to the constituent parts of it 


with that obstinacy with which Statesmen defend 
not only the laws and edicts of their own making, 
but those, the dead and obsolete letters of former 
times ; but that he was always ready to give up, up- 
on conviction, such of them as were found less pro- 
motive than others of the public good. 

But William Penn has shown, in other political 
departments, which I have not yet noticed, an ex- 
ample not less amiable in itself, and not less impor- 
tant to posterity. He has exhibited to the world 
the singular spectacle, or has shown the possibility, 
of a nation maintaining its own internal police 
amidst a mixture of persons of different nations and 
different civil and religious opinions, and of main- 
taining its foreign relations also, without the aid of 
a soldier or man in arms. The constable's staff was 
the only instrument of authority in Pennsylvania for 
the greater part of a century, and always while the 
Government was in the hands of his own descend- 
ants, the Quakers ; and never was a Government, 
as it related to the governed, maintained with less 
internal disturbance, or more decorum and order; 
and, as it related to foreigners, with more harmony; 
for, though he was situated among barbarous na- 
tions, never, during his Administration or that of 
his proper successors, was there — a quarrel — or— 
a roar. 

He has exhibited again the singular spectacle, or 
shown the possibility, of a great nation managing all 
its concerns without the intervention of an oath. 
He believed that all oaths were forbidden by Jesus 


Christ, and therefore he did not admit them into his 
civil code. He allowed only of simple affirmation ; 
but he punished it, if false, as perjury. All affairs 
of the Magistracy, all affairs of the Government, 
were conducted without an oath ; and no injury 
was. found to accrue thereby ; nor was Truth viola- 
ted more in PennsN Ivania than in any other quarter 
of the globe. 

He managed his foreign concerns in like man- 
ner. The Great Treaty between himself and the 
Indians was made without an oath on either part. 
It was the only treaty, says Voltaire, that was so 
ratified, and that was never broken. This observa- 
tion of Voltaire was minutely true as it related to 
the Quakers, who were considered by the Indians 
as his descendants ; and it may be said to be true 
also as it related to the other inhabitants of the Pro- 
vince j for though hostilities commenced after- 
wards, and this on the part of the Indians them- 
selves, they did not commence till the former had 
become the aggressors. In the year 1751 James 
Logan, who has been before mentioned in these 
Memoirs, died. He had been the Proprietor's 
Secretary and principal Agent. All treaties and 
public transactions with the Indians, and more es- 
pecially on the subject of their lands, were directed 
by him. After his death, other persons of a diffe.- 
rent character were put into his place. Hence the 
Quakers were excluded from their accustomary in- 
tercourse with the latter. From this time persons 
were allowed more freely to trade with thera^ 


whose principles were not sufficiently known,— 
Some of these made it a practice to make them 
drunk, and then to rob them of all they had. — 
Others, who setded in their neighbourhood, en- 
croached upon their lands. The Indians com- 
plained. Their grievances were not noticed as be- 
fore. A spirit of dissatisfaction sprung up in con- 
sequence among them. The French took advan- 
tage of this, and encouraged them to retaliate in 
another way, A war was accordingly resolved 
upon in the year 1754, and many of the frontier m- 
habitants suffered by it. About nine years after- 
wards a new circumstance happened, which great- 
ly irritated the Indians, and made them still more 
hostile than before. Some inhabitants of Lancas- 
ter county, principally from the township of Pax- 
tang and Donnegal, who were bigoted Presbyteri- 
ans, armed themselves, and, under the impious no- 
tion of doing God service by extirpating the Hea- 
then from the land, fell upon the remains of a Con- 
estogo Tribe, who were peaceable persons, living 
far within the settled parts of the Province, and 
who were entirely innocent as to the war, and mur- 
dered all of them in cool blood, at two different 
times, both old and young, men, women, and chil- 
dren. The good old Chief Shehaes, who had as- 
sisted at one of the treaties with William Penn 
himself, and who had been a faithful friend to the 
English ever since, was hatcheted in his bed. Af- 
ter this they advanced hundreds of them armed 
towards Philadelphia, threatening destruction to 


all who should oppose them, in order to cut to pie- 
ces a party of friendly Indians, consisting of those 
of Wyalusing, who, to the number of a hundred and 
forty, had thrown themselves upon the protection of 
that city. Happily they were prevented by the Phi- 
ladelphians from executing their bloody design. — 
But they had struck such terror into the country, 
that no one dared to impeach the murderers, or 
even publicly to mention their names. ^' The 
weakness of the Government," says Robert Proud, 
"was not able to punish these murderers, nor to 
chastise the insurgents : a sorrowful presage of 
an approaching change in that happy Constitution^ 
xvhtch had so long afforded a peaceable asijliim to 
the oppressed I"*"^ This dreadful massacre irritated, 
as I said before, to a still greater degree, those 
Tribes which had been already offended ; and what 
the consequences would have been, no man can say, 
if the Quakers had not thrown themselves into the 
gap as it were between the contending parties.—- 
They formed a Society among themselves, called 
" the friendly Association for gaining and preserv- 
ing Peace with the Indians by pacific Measures." 
They raised many thousand pounds within their 
own Society. They purchased goods for presents. 
They applied to the Indians for a hearing. Suffice 
it to say, that the latter received them as the true 
Friends of the great and deceased Onas ; that 
through their mediation thev renewed the Treaty 
with the Government of Pennsylvania near Laks 


Erie ; and that they withdrew themselves for ever 
from the French interest from that day. 

Having now exhibited William Penn to the 
reader as a Christian Statesman in all the points of 
view I originally intended, I shall only add the en- 
comium which Father O'Leary, a Catholic, in his 
Essay on Toleration, passed upon his Government, 
and a very short statement descriptive of the hap- 
piness which those who lived under it are said to 
have enjoyed. *^ William Penn, the great Legisla- 
tor of the Quakers," says the author just mention- 
ed, " had the success of a Conqueror in establish- 
ing and defending his Colony, among savage tribes, 
without ever drawing the sword ; the goodness of 
the most benevolent rulers in treating his subjects 
as his own children ; and the tenderness of an uni- 
versal Father, who opened his arms to all mankind 
without distinction of sect or party. In his Re- 
public it was not the religious creed, but personal 
merit, that entitled every member of society to the 
protection and emoluments of the State." With 
respect to the statement alluded to, it has been stip- 
posed that, during the seventy years while Wil- 
liam Penn's principles prevailed, or the Quakers 
had the principal share in the Government, there 
was no spot on the globe where, number for num- 
ber, there was so much Virtue or so much true 
Happiness as among the inhabitants of Pennsylva- 
nia ; and that during this period the latter country 
exhibited (setting aside the early difficulties of a 
new Colony) a kind of little paradise upon earth. 


Hence the period from 1682 to 1754, with the 
same exception, has been denominated the Golden 
Age of Pennsylvania. Nor has this name been 
improperly bestowed upon it. if we examine into 
facts : for in a Constitution where merit only was 
publicly rewarded, there must have been a constant 
growth of Virtue, and of course of Happiness with 
it. In a constitution also where every man had 
free scope for his exertions, and the power of en- 
joying the fruits of his own labour, there must 
have been the constant opportunity of improving 
his temporal condition. At the latter end of the 
period before mentioned the Pennsylvanians ex- 
ported produce to the value of half a million ster- 
ling, and they imported conveniences and comforts 
to the same amount. Five hundred vessels, in- 
cluding ships, sloops, and schooners, left the port of 
Philadelphia within the year. The land therefore 
became to them a land of plenty, flowing as it were 
with milk and honey. And from this delightful 
condition there were not the usual drawbacks as 
in other States ; for during all this period, as I 
observed before, there was no war. They lived in 
a state of security- Their taxes were compara- 
tivelv nothing. They had no internal broils. — 
They suffered no persecution for religion. No 
one sect viewed another with shyness. They dif- 
fered as to the articles of their faith, but they were 
still friends. Proud, in speaking upon this subject, 
sav» that William P< nn was far from being actu- 
ated by the extravagant notions which some others 


had entertained upon Government, "in giving 
such an excellent example to mankind, and shozu- 
ing them how happy it is possible for men to live in 
the zuorld if they please ; for, while he distinguish- 
ed between the too general abuse of power and 
the exertion of a just authority, he laid a founda- 
tion Jor happy consequences^ as manifested in the 
late glorious example and prosperity of the Province^ 
to such a degree of both public and private felici- 
ty^ as hath exceeded that of most other countries^ 
considering its age, situation, extent, and other cir- 
cumstances, that we know of in the worW* — Such 
was the happy result of the Government of Wil- 
liam Penn. How awful does the contemplation of 
it render the situation of Statesmen ! Awful in- 
deed, if, having within themselves the power of 
disseminating so much happiness, they have fail- 
ed or neglected to dispense it ! But still more 
awful, if by wars, persecution, or other unjust pro- 
ceedings, they have been the authors of unneces- 
sary sufferings at home, or of misery to those aliens 
v/ith whom circumstances have unhappily led them 
to be concerned ! Let bad Governors look at the 
contrast with which a review of their own con- 
duct can furnish them, and tremble ! Let the good, 
on the other hand, be encouraged. Let them 
consider the extraordinary opportunity which their 
elevated stations give them, far indeed beyond 
that of all others, not only of doing good to, but 
of being handed down to posterity among the great- 
est benefactors of the human race : and above all 
VOL. II. K k 


let them consider that, by discharging their great 
and extensive Stewardships faithfully, they may 
exchange their earthly for incorruptible crowns of 
glory at the Resurrection of the Just. 



VOL. I. 

Ghap. 1. William Penn — his origin or lineal de- 
scent—as collected from public accounts p. 1. 

Chap. 2. Is born in 1644 — goes to Chigweil school- 
religious impressions there — goes to Oxford — 
his verses on the death of the Duke of Glou- 
cester — is further impressed by the preach- 
ing of Thomas Loe — fined for non-conformity,, 
and at length expelled — turned out of doors by 
his father — is sent to France — rencontre at 
Paris — studies at Saumur — visits Turin — is 
sent for home — becomes a student at Lincoln's 
Inn p. 5. 

Chap. 3. A. 1666-1667 — is sent to Ireland — attends 
the Court of the Duke of Ormond — meets 
again with Thomas Loe — impression again 
made by the sermon of the latter — is put into 
gaol for being at a Quakers' meeting — writes 
to Lord Orrery — is discharged from prison — is 
reported to be a Quaker — ordered home on 
that account by his father — interesting inter- 
view between them — conditions offered him by 
his father — is again turned out of doors p. 14,. 


Chap. 4. A. 1668 — becomes a minister of the Gospel 
—publishes " Truth exalted"— also " The 
Guide mistaken" — holds a public controversy 
Avith Vincent in the Presbyterian Meeting- 
house — publishes " The Sandy Foundation 
shaken" — general contents of the same — is sent 
in consequence to the Tower — sends an answer 
from thence to the Bishop of London — writes 
there " No Cross No Crown" — particular 
contents and character of this work — substance 
of his letter to the Lord Arlington — writes 
" Innocency with her open Face" — is discharg- 
ed from the Tower - - - p. 25. 
Chap. 5. A. 1669 — visits Thomas Loe on his death- 
bed — exhortation of the latter — is sent again to 
Ireland — writes ^* A Letter to the young Con- 
vinced" — procures the discharge of several 
from prison — returns to England — is reconciled 

to his father p. 47. 

Ghap. 6. A. L670 — preaches in Gracechtirch-street 
—is taken up and committed to Newgate— ^is 
tried at the Old Bailey and acquitted — account 
of this memorable trial — attends his father on 
his death-bed — dying sayings of the latter — 
publishes " The People's ancient and just 
Liberties asserted" — disputes publicly with 
Jeremy Ives at High Wycomb — writes to the 
Vice-Chancellor of Oxford — publishes " A 
seasonable Caveat against Popery" — is again 
taken up for preaching, and sent to the Tower, 
and from thence to Newgate - - p. 51. 
Chap. 7. A. 1671 — writes, while in Newgate, to 
The High Court of Parliament— to the Sheriffs 


of London — to a Roman Catholic— pmblishes 
" A cautionary Postscript to Truth exalted"— 
" Truth rescued from Imposture" — " A serious 
Apology for the Principles and Practice of the 
Quakers" — " The great Case of Liberty of 
Conscience debated and defended" — general 
contents of the latter — comes out of prison — 
travels into Holland and Germany p. 80. 

Chap. 8. A. 1672 — returns to England— marries — 
settles at Rickmansworth— travels as a preacher 
— writes " The Spirit of Truth vindicated"— 
'^ The netv Witnesses proved old Heretics" — 
*' Plain Dealing with a traducing Anabaptist" 
— " A Winding-sheet for the Controversy 
ended" — " Quakerism a new Nick-name for old 
Christianity" — letter to Dr. Hasbert p. 88. 

Chap. 9. A. 1673 — travels as a minister — writes 
" The Christian Quaker" — also " Reason 
against Railing, and Truth against Fiction" — 
also " The counterfeit Christian detected" — 
holds a public controversy with the Baptists at 
Barbican — his account of it to G. Fox — writes 
** The Invalidity of John Faldo's Vindication"-- 
also " A Return to J. Faldo's Reply"— also 
•' A just Rebuke to one-and-twenty learned and 
reverend Divines" — encomium of Dr. Moore 
on the latter — writes " Wisdom justified of her 
Children," and " Urim and Thummim" — and 
against John Perrot — and " On the general 
Rule of Faith," and on "The proposed Com- 
prehension" — also six letters — extract from 
that to Justicie Fleming ... p. 93. 



Chap. 10. A. 1674— tries to stem the torrent ot 
religious persecution by a letter to Justice 
Bowls — and to two other Justices — and to the 
King — writes for the same purpose " A Trea- 
tise of Oaths" — also " England's present In- 
terests considered" — contents of this work — 
also " The continued Cry of the Oppressed for 
Justice" — short extracts from the letter — also 
a letter to the Senate of Emhden — publishes 
'* Naked Truth needs no Shift" — " Ives's sober 
Request proved false" — and *' Libels no 
Proofs" — letter to G. Fox on the subject of 
his release p. 108. 

Chap. il. A. 1675 — continues at Rickmansworth — 
converts many — holds a public dispute there 
with Richard Baxter — corresponds with the 
latter — publishes " Saul smitten to the Ground" 
—writes to a Roman Catholic — arbitrates be- 
tween Fenwick and Byllinge — two letters to 
the former p. 124. 

Chap. 12. A. 1676 — writes "The Skirmisher de- 
feated" — also to two Protestant ladies of quality 
in Germany — becomes a manager of proprie- 
tary concerns in New Jersey — divides it into 
East and West — draws up a Constitution, and 
invites settlers to the latter - p. 131. 

Chap. 13. A. 1677 — continues his management of 
West New Jersey — appoints Commissioners to 
go there — sells a portion of thie land — sends off 
three vessels — undertakes a religious visit to 
Holland and Germany — writes to the King of 
Poland from Amsterdam— his kind receptioo 
and employment at the ^ourt of Herwerden— 

co^^^^E5^ps• 379 

occurrences at Krisheim— Daysburg-i-Mul- 
heim — Harlingen — Woij<lerwick-»— aiid other 
plitces — writes at Frankfort '' A Letter to the 
Churches of Jesus throughout the World"— 
and at Rotterdam " A Call or Summons to 
Christendom," and other tracts— -disputes with 
Galenus Abrams — returns to EtiL:iand— holds a 
dispute with William Rogers at Bristol p. 136. 

Chap. 14. A. 1678 — ■continues his management of 
West New Jersey — sends two other vessels 
there — ^petitions Parliament in behalf of the 
persecuted Quakers — is heard by a Committee 
of the Commons-— the two speeches before 
them — remarks upon these— -.writes " A brief 
Answer to a false and foolish Libel" — also 
" An Epistle to the Children of Light in this 
Generation" - - - - p. 165. 

Chap, 15. A. 1679 — continues his management of 
West New Jersey — writes " An Address to 
Protestants of all Persuasions" — general con- 
tents of this work — writes a preface to the 
works of Samuel Fisher — also " England's 
great Interest in the Choice of a new Parlia- 
ment" — assists Algernon Sidney in his election 
for Guildford — two of his letters to the latter— 
writes "One Project for the Good of England" 
—general contents of this work - p. 180. 

Chap. 16. A. 1680 — continues his management of 
West New Jersey— writes a prelace to an 
•anonymous publication — also to the works of J. 
Penington— petitions Charles the Second for 
tetters patent for a certain tract of land in 
America in Ueu of -the debt du^ by the Govern- 


ment to his father — his. motives for 'soliciting 
the same - - - - - p. 201. 

Chap. 17. A. 1681— becomes a proprietor of East 
New Jersfty-^pnhlishes " A brief Examination 
and State of Liberty spiritual'' — writes " A 
Letter to the Friends of God in the City of 
Bristol" — obtains a grant of the tract solicited 
—substance of the Charter for the same — 
named Pennsylvania by the King — his modest 
feelings at this name— publishes, an account of 
Pennsylvania and the terms of sale — draws up 
conditions — his great care of the natives therein 
— draws up a Frame of Government — his 
great care of liberty of conscience therein — 
extract of his letter to R. Turner — sends off 
three vessels with passengers — and with Com- 
missioners — writes to the Indians by the latter 
— is elected a Fellow of the Royal Society — 
letter to R. Vickris - - - p. 209. 

Chap. 18. A. 1682 — has a narrow escape from prison 
—assists R. Davies — his sickness on the death of 
his miother-T-letter written by him at that time- 
publishes his Frame of Government — admirable 
preface thereto — substance of the said Frame 
and of the Laws— bars all future claim upon 
Pennsylvania by the Duke of York — obtains a 
fresh grant called the Territories — -leaves a let- 
ter to his wife and children — embarks in the 
Downs — writes a farewell epistle from thence 
and a letter to S. Crisp— sails, and arrives at 
Newcastle — calls the first General Assembly at 
Upland, then new named Chester-— business 
done there-— visits N^\v York and Maryland?— 


returns, and makes his Great Treaty with the 
Indians — goes to Pennsbury — fixes on a site for 
his new city — plan of it — calls it Philadelphia — 
divides the land into counties — lays out town- 
ships—two of his letters while so employed— 
reserves a thousand acres for G. Fox — receives 
new reinforcements of settlers — gives them a 
plan for huts — amount of the latter — their way 
of living after their arrival — appoints Sheriffs 
to the different counties — issues writs to these 
for calling the Assemblies in the spring p. 231. 

QHAP. 19. A. 1683 — members returned for the Pro- 
vince and Territories — list of those sent to the 
Assembly — meets his Council — and afterwards 
the Assembly — which sit twenty-two days — 
business done there — grants a new Charter — 
first judicial proceedings — trial of Pickering., 
and others — names of those of the first jury— . 
great progress in the building of Philadelphia 
— and in agriculture by the settlers — their man- 
ner of living as described by R. Townsend— 
goes on a journey of discovery into the interior 
of Pennsylvania — sends the Natural History of 
it to " The Free Society of Traders " — copy of 
his Letter on that subject — fails in settling a 
dispute with the Lord Baltimore — sends his case 
to the Lords Committee of Plantations in Eng- 
land p. 280. 

^HAP. 20. A. 1684 — violent conduct of the Lord Bal- 
timore — opposes it by lenient measures — re- 
ceives accounts of fresh persecutions for religion 
in England-^determines to repair thither to use 
his influence with the Court to stop them — in 

3d2 CONTENTS. • 

the mean time settles a system of discipline for 
his own religious Society — holds conferences 
and makes treaties with the Indians — settles the 
dispute about the bank-lots — and forwards the 
building of his city — number of houses and po- 
pulation — total population of the settlers — pro- 
vides for the Government in his absence — letter 
from S. Crisp— .embarks — writes a farewell epis- 
tle to his friends— arrives in England — writes to 
Margaret Fox — and to S. Crisp — contents of the 
above letters - - - - p. 316. 

CHAP. 21. A. 1685 — gives an account of the death of 
Charles the Second — is in great favour with 
James the Second — has frequent interviews with 
the King— endeavours to stop persecution — in- 
tercedes for John Locke — becomes unpopular 
by his attendance at Court — called Papist and 
Jesuit — correspondence between him and Tiliot- 
son on this subject— present at two public exe- 
cutions—affairs of Pennsylvania — irregularities 
and abuses in his absence — writes over to correct 
them — Assembly impeach Moore and arrest Ro- 
binson — ^their letter to him on the subject p. 333. 

CHAP. 22. A. 1686 — cry of Papist and Jesuit continued 
— further correspondence betweenjiim and Til- 
lotson on the subject — writes " A further Ac- 
count of Pennsylvania " — also " A Defence of 
the Duke of Buckingham " — also " A Persua- 
sive to Moderation" — contents of the latter — 
proclamation for religious indulgence follows — 
goes to Holland on a religious errand — but un- 
dertakes a commission from the King to the 
Prince of Orange — meets Scotch fugitives there 


— his services to Sir Robert Steuart— travels as 
a preacher in England — affairs of Pennsylvania 
— displeased with the conduct of the Assembly 
— and also with that of the Council — alters the 
Government by a Commission — lodges the Ex- 
ecutive in five persons— reinstates Moore — copy 
of the Commission - - - p. 354. 
CHAP. 23. A. 1687 — carries up Address of the Qua- 
kers to James the Second on his Declaration for 
Liberty of Conscience — his speech to the King 
—the King's answer — travels into different 
counties — preaches at Bristol fair — and at Chew 
under an oak and at Chester, where the King 

hears him — goes to Oxford — meets the King 
there, who interferes unjustly in the election of 
a President for Magdalen College — his noble 
reproof of the latter — his interview with a 
Deputation from the College — writes " Good 
Advice to the Church of England and Catholic 
and Protestant Dissenters " — also " The Great 
and Popular Objection against the Repeal of the 
Penal Laws stated and considered "-—affairs of 
Pennsylvania - - * - p. 379. 

VOL. 11. 

Chap. 1. A. 1688— introduces Gilbert Latey to the 
King — becomes very unpopular — reputed cau- 
ses of it — beautiful letter written to him by Mr. 
Popple on this account— his answer to the same 
— is arrested (King William having come to 


the throne) and brought before the Lords of the 
Council — ^and examined — and made to give bail 
for his appearance — affairs of Pennsylvania p. 1. 

CHAP. 2. A. 1689 — appears according to his bail — no 
witness being found against him, is discharged — 
Toleration Act passes — the great privileges it 
conferred — his joy on the occasion — the great 
share he had in bringing it to pass — affairs of 
Pennsylvania - - - - p. 33. 

CHAP. 3. A. 1690 — letter of thanks to a Friend — is 
arrested again on a charge of corresponding 
with James the Second— his open and manly de- 
fence heforp. King WilliaTn— ^is made to find bail 
— appears in Court, and is discharged — prepares 
for returning to Pennsylvania — is again arrested 
— tried — and acquitted — writes to the widow of 
George Fox on the death of her husband — is 
on the point of sailing for Pennsylvania but ac- 
cused by Fuller — constables sent to take him — 
the voyage stopped — goes into retirement — af- 
fairs of Pennsylvania - - - p. 42. 

^HAP. 4. A. 1691 — continues in retirement — new pro- 
clamation for his apprehension — becomes more 
unpopular than ever — falls under the censure of 
some of his own Society — writes in consequence 
a general letter to the members of it — is visited 
in his retirement — message sent to him there 
by John Locke — writes a Preface to Barclay's 
Apology — affairs of Pennsylvania - p. 55 

CHAP. 5. A. 1692 — continues in retirement — writes 
" Just Measures " — general contents of this 
work — also " A Key " whereby to know and dis- 
tinguish the Religion of the Quakers-— general 


contents of it — also " New Athenians ro noble 
Bereans" — affairs of Pennsylvania - p. 64. 

CHAP. 6. A. 1693 — continues in retirement — is depriv- 
ed of his Government by King William — his 
forlorn situation at this period — resolves upon 
returning to Pennsylvania — letter to that effect 
— but is prevented by embarrassed circum.stan- 
ces — writes " Fruits of Solitude " — preface and 
contents of the same — also " Essay towards the 
present and future State of Europe " — analysis 
of the latter — letter to N. Blandford — is heard 
before King William and his Council, and ac- 
quitted — death of his wife — her character — af- 
fairs of Pennsylvania - - - p. 72. 

GHAP. 7. A. 1694 — writes " An Account of the Rise 
and Progress of the Quakers " — general con- 
tents of this work — also " A Visitation to the 
Jews " — extract from thence — publishes his 
" Journey into Holland and Germany as perform- 
ed in 1677 *' — is restored to his Government by 
King William — -handsome manner of wording 
the Royal order for this purpose — travels in the 
ministry — letter to John Gratton — affairs of 
Pennsylvania — death and character of Thomas 
Lloyd p. 100. 

CHAP. 8. A. 1695 — writes " A Reply to a pretended 
Answer to William Penn's Key " — delivers a 
paper to the House of Commons on the subject 
of making the Quakers' affirmation equal to their 
oath — travels in the ministry — is present at a re- 
ligious dispute at Melksham — preaches at Wt lis 
—some curious particulars during his stay there 
— affairs of Pennsylvania - - p. 1 J 4. 

VOL. II. L 1 


CHAP. 9. A. 1696 — marries a second time — loses his 
eldest son — writes an account of his sayings and 
behaviour during his sickness, and of his charac- 
ter — writes also " Primitive Christianity reviv- 
ed " — analysis of the work — also " More Work 
for G. Keith " — visits the Czar of Muscovy then 
in England — impression made upon the latter- 
affairs of Pennsylvania " " ?• ^^2. 

CHAP. 10. A. 1697 — publishes " A Caution humbly 
offered about passing the Bill against Blasphe- 
my " — Bill is dropped — affairs of Pennsylvania 

p. UO. 

CHAP. 11. A. 1698 — goes to Ireland as a minister of 
the Gospel — writes " The Quaker a Christian '^ 
— and " Gospel Truths as held by the Quakers " 
—preaches at Dublin, Lambstown, Wexford^ 
Waterford, Clonmel, Cork, and many other pla- 
ces — has his horses seized at Ross— incident 
and interview with the Bishop at Cashel — re- 
turns to Bristol — writes " Gospel Truths defend- 
ed against the Bishop of Cork's Exceptions "— - 
goes to London to take leave of adventurers to 
Pennsylvania in the ship Providence — returns 
to Bristol — writes " Truth of God as professed 
by the people called Quakers " - p. 145. 

CHAP. 12. A. 1699 — religious dispute at West Dere- 
ham between the Quakers and tlie Norfolk Cler- 
gy — writes a paper against " A brief Disco- 
very,** the production of the latter — also '' A 
just Ccnsu'e of Francis Bugg's Address ** — 
prepi^res tor a voyage to America — dr^^ws up 
« Advice to his Children for their civil and reli- 
gious Conduct ** — also, on embarking, " A Let- 


ter to the People of God called Quakers, wherc- 
ever scattered or gathered '* — arrives in the 
Delaware — incidents there — yellow fever — pro- 
ceeds to Philadelphia — visits in the country — 
anecdote related of him while at Merion — meets 
the Assembly — passes Bills against piracy and 
illicit trade — extreme severity of the weather 

p. 158. 

CHAP. 13. A. 1700 — proposes and carries in his own 
Monthly Meeting resolutions relative to Indians 
and Negro slaves — removes obstructions and 
nuisances in the city— calls the Assembly — pro- 
ceedings of the same — visits and receives Indi- 
ans — travels in the ministry through the Pro- 
vince^ and Territories, and in the Jerseys and 
Maryland — anecdotes of him while on this ex- 
cursion — calls a new Assembly at Newcastle — 
substance of his speech to them — proceedings 
of the same — their dissentions — those allayed 
by his wisdom and justice — particulars relative 
to their rules, Sec. - - - p. 168. 

«ii:A.p. 14. A. 1701 — sets out for East Jersey to quell 
a riot there — extracts from a letter written. oti 
that occasion — makes a treaty with tlie Susque- 
hannah and other Indians — suggests a plan of 
trade with them, to secure tliem from imposi- 
tion and to improve their morals — calls the As- 
sembly — their proceedings — issues an order to 
watch against invasion-— renews a treaty with 
another tribe of Indians — account of it — being 
called to England, summons the Assembly again 
— its ^jroceedings — several tribes of Indians 
come to take their leave of him — his reply to 


the same — signs a new Charter — constitutes and 
incorporates Philadelphia a city — appoints a 
Council of State — and a Deputy Governor — 
embarks for England — arrives there p 185. 

CHAP. 15. A. 1702-3- — carries up the adddress of the 
Quakers to Queen Anne — writes " Considera- 
tions upon the Bill against occasional Conformi- 
ty " — also, " More Fruiis of Solitude '* — also a 
preface to " Vindici^e Veritatis " — and another 
to " Zion's Travellers comforted " — affairs of 
Pennsylvania - - - - p. 216. 

CHAP. 16. A. 1704-5-6-7-8 — writes a preface to 
" The written Gospel-Labours of John White- 
head "^ — travels as a minister into the West of 
JEngland — writes a General Letter to the Socie- 
ty — is involved in a law-suit with the executors 
of his Steward — obtains no redress in Chancery 
— obliged in consequence to live within the 
Rules of the Fleet — affairs of Pennsylvania 

p. 221. 

CHAP. 17. A. 1709-10-11-12 — is obliged to mortgage 
his Province — causes of this necessity — travels 
again in the ministry — writes a preface to the 
^' Discourses of Bulstrode Whitelocke" — con- 
stitution begins to break — removes to Rushcomb 
in Berkshire — determines upon parting with his 
province — but is prevented by illness— writes a 
preface to the " Works of John Banks*' — has 
three apoplectic fits — affairs of Pennsylvania 

p. 230. 

(niAP. 18. A. 1713-14-15-16-17-18— .gradually de- 
clines — account of him at this pH^iod-^dies at 
Rushcomb — concourse of people at his funeral 


—malevolent reports concerniivg him after his 
death — certificates of Simon Clement and Han- 
nah Mitchell — short account of his will p. 256 

CHAP. 19. Some account of his person — of his man- 
ners and habits — and of his private character 

p. 266. 

GHAP. 20. Examination of the outcry against him of 
" Papist and Jesuit " — of the charges against 
him by Burnet — -and of those contained in the 
State Papers of Nairne — and in the insinuations 
of Lord Lyttleton — and Dr. Franklin p. 278. 

CHAP. 21. View of him as a Legislator upon Christian 
principles in opposition to those of the policy of 
the wond — and first as it relates to the govern- 
ed — his general maxims of Government — su- 
periority of these over others as to the extension 
of morals — mechanism of the Government of 
Pennsylvania — reputed excellence of it — one 
defect said to belong to it — but this no defect 
at the time — removed by him when it became so 
— hence the first trait in his character as a Chris- 
tian legislator, namely, his readiness to alter the 
Constitution with time and circumstances — se- 
cond trait to be seen in his law for universal 
Toleration — reasons upon which it was founded 
— contrast between it and the opposite one un- 
der political legislators — both as to principle and 
effect — this law the great cause of the rapid po- 
pulation of Pennsylvania — third trait to be seen 
in the abolition of the punishment of death, and 
in making the reformation of the offender an ob- 
ject of legislative concern — comparison between 
*his system and that of the sanguinary legislator 

390 eONTENTS. 

of the world — ^noble effects of the former as 
"witnessed in its improved state at the present 
day p. 307. 

GHAP. 22. View of him as a Statesman upon Chris- 
tian principles, as it relates to aliens or foreign- 
ers — first, as to Dutch and Swedes — secondly, 
as to the aborigines or Indians — his Christian 
object in connecting himself with these — his 
Christian conduct towards them — honourable 
and grateful result to him and his followers 
from the same — object and conduct of those 
towards the same who have proceeded upon the 
policy of the world — miserable result to the lat- 
ter — peculiar reason of this result — thirdly, as 
to the Negroes — his Christian treatment of 
these — happy effects of the same — misery pro- 
duced by those who have had any concern with 
them on the principle of the policy of the 
world p. 333. 

•HAP. 23. Recapitulation of the traits in the preced- 
ing chapters of his legislative character as a 
Christian — has exhibited himself besides as the 
Ruler of a kingdom without a soldier — and also 
without an oath — Great Treaty with the Indians 
never ratified by an oath and yet never brokea 
— Indians made incursions into Pennsylvania in 
1754, but never while the Quakers ruled — cau- 
ses of these incursions — peace restored by the 
Quakers — Father O'Leary's eulogium on t-.e 
Government of William Penn — happy condi- 
tion of Pennsylvania under it — conclusion p. 365.